There were over 35 civil wars and conflicts in Africa in the 40 years from 1963 to 2003. The continent under its collective authority the OAU, was immersed in the anti colonial struggle which still held many territories in 1975 when Angola and Mozambique obtained their independence. It was time for Africa to concentrate on the eradication of the white minority regime of Ian Smith in Rhodesia and the cancer of apartheid in South Africa, including SWA.
The independence of Zimbabwe, the creation of the rainbow nation and Swapo’s victory in Namibia remain among the proudest achievements of not only the respective nations but of all Africa embodied in the OAU.
Having achieved its primary goals of the total dismantling of all forms of colonialism, the OAU became almost redundant - a ship without a course. It must be stressed at this point that the OAU was a victim of its own success and that its reformation into the African Union came about as a result of natural progression.
Heir to a nearly completely free continent, the AU is now tasked with establishing a viable security structure and accelerating intra-African relations.
Capital talked to H.E. Mr. Djinnit Said, AU Commissioner for Peace & Security on various issues such as the recently concluded RECAMP Cycle V program and on more general issues facing the continent including the Darfur and Somalia situations.

Please tell us briefly what the AU Peace and Security Architecture is?

We have established the Peace and Security Council at continent level, which is like the Peace and Security Council of the United Nations, but at the level of the African Union and with a stronger and larger mandate.
This body is composed of 15 member states and has been meeting over the past two years. It is becoming very effective both in taking important decisions of security mounting operations like in Sudan, Somalia, Burundi, the Comoros, Côte d’Ivoire and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Security Council of the African Union is respected internationally. It is a new organ that is also provided with other important structures, which is one an African Standby Force composed of five brigades-one from each region.
The Standby Force should be streamlined, trained and equipped according to a single African doctrine for peacekeeping operations. The force should be deployed only upon the request of the Peace and Security Council. We are in the process of establishing this is a very important instrument.
The second is the Mixed Staff Committee, a component of the Security Council, which is essentially a body of military experts providing advice to the Peace and Security Council to determine issues related to the deployment.
There is also a Continental Early Warning System (CEWS) because the issue is not only about addressing existing conflicts but also preventing such situations from occurring. So, we are laying down this system, which is centered around a central, dedicated Situation Room based at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa. It is linked with other Situation Rooms in various regions of the continent and with other institutions, to collect information, analyze and to make proposals for the policy organs of the African Union, the Chairman of the Commission and for the Peace and Security Council to take any action to prevent conflicts from erupting into full fledged wars.
The other element of the Peace and Security Architecture is the relation between the continent and its five regions. In this regard, the center here in Addis Ababa and in each of the five sub-regions have established similar organs.
We are developing excellent working relations, with for example IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority on Development) which has been instrumental for the Somalia reconciliation process. IGAD held a number of conferences in Kenya, resulting in the establishment of the new Transitional Federal Government of Somalia. We need to support that and we are following developments in Somalia closely. IGAD had even envisioned to deploy a force to Somalia but this was beyond the capacities of member states, and they recommended that it should be up to the AU. As you know, the AU is in the process of deploying a peacekeeping force. These kinds of developing relations are important, just like the pivotal links we have with ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States).
With regards to African leadership, the continent should assume responsibility to deal effectively with issues and problems that are affecting its peoples. However, the pillars should be the regions. So, this is what we refer to as Peace and Security Architecture at continental and regional level.

The report of RECAMP cycle V was presented to the AU. Would you comment on this?

I only took part at the opening ceremony of the meeting [held on February 21st 2007], but I was briefed by my colleagues that the debate was quite transparent. The frank nature of the discussion was indeed cause to be optimistic, because this is the only way of evolving and improving the program. It is also encouraging in terms of looking ahead to the next cycle of the program.
How does RECAMP cycle V program fit in with the A.U’s security objectives?
Though RECAMP is a program developed by France, the African Union has been cooperating and has participated in various activities organized with in the framework of RECAMP.
Over the past few years, we welcomed the decision of the French government to evolve the concept of RECAMP to adjust to new realities on the continent, especially the emerging Peace and Security Architecture. We welcome that evolution and more recently again, the program has been considered as the European Union’s tool as part of its defense and security policy and to be one of the tools on the basis of which they can engage partners such as the African Union. It is in that respect that we took part in cycle V of the RECAMP and of course, we are providing our advice on the sixth cycle of the program. In general, the African Union is interested in interacting with programs such as RECAMP which aim at supporting Africa’s efforts at establishing its own capacity for peacekeeping.
The African Union is engaged over the past years in a very serious undertaking aimed at mounting peace support operations but also in putting in place an African Standby Force. In that context, we definitely welcome any initiative aimed at supporting our capacity and of course, it is important for us that when we cooperate with such initiatives, it is based on the African Union agenda.
We are also working with the United Nations, the European Union and other partners in the world. Of course, essentially the United Nations has principal responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security in the world including Africa.

What would you say are the major challenges facing the formation of a pan-African intervention force?

Resource! I think we are quite certain of what we have to do. It is clear and it is getting clearer as we go along. What is less so is the source of finance and obtaining the goodwill of the international community.
But, goodwill is one thing and resource provision is another. This is where we are and our expectation is that financial and logistical resources will be forthcoming. Resources required for putting in place the structures of a peacekeeping operation are considerable. Maintaining, equipping, logistics, training troops, putting them on standby, all these require a lot of money. Some funds should come from within the continent. This is what we are trying to do as we establish the African Standby Force.
We have also started talks with our partners, especially within the context of the G8–African engagement. It was decided that strengthening the peacekeeping capacity of Africa should be one of the priorities in the support of peace and security on the continent. There is still an issue over the financial component which is a crucial part of the discussion.

Regarding the Somalia peacekeeping force deployment, some say that the AU is not very clear with its strategy. What is your opinion in this relation?

That is more rumor than fact. We have established a mechanism for permanent coordination which is meeting almost regularly here in Addis Ababa. I personally launched the process on the 12th of February and invited all stakeholders with the AU as lead, IGAD, Somalia, Ethiopia, the Arab League states, the UN and all our partners who pledged to contribute troops - African and non-African who are willing to contribute in terms of logistics or finance. We have put in place a mechanism with a picture of what is happening, what our intention is and what our situation is on the ground. Based on that, we established two working groups.
The first is the military planning group, which is bringing together the AU and its partners along with troop contributing countries to discuss military planning.
The second comprises the AU and all its partners, to discuss what the overall requirements are. Everything was put on the table in full transparency. There is a coordination mechanism at strategic level here meeting regularly to review progress, which enables us to share information.

So, you believe the AU has clearly set down what is specifically required for the Somalia mission?

Absolutely! Not only what is needed, but also the division of labour. For instance, we are focusing on the deployment of the two battalions from Uganda. As you know, Algeria has pledged air transport for the troops and the US are also providing transport and logistical assistance.
In regards to the contingents from Nigeria and Ghana, we have already approached a certain partner to take care of their requirements. For Burundi, we are also approaching one or two other partners which could be African or not. We want our member states to be fully engaged in this exercise, as this is unlike the situation in Sudan where the mission is exclusively funded and logistically supported by non-African partners.

Would you say Somalia is ready for a peacekeeping operation in view of the ongoing violence?

I want to make very clear that the decision of the African Union and IGAD to deploy a peace support operation in Somalia has taken more than two years. Unfortunately, we didn’t get the necessary support from the international community on time. We believe that we missed many opportunities for Somalia. However, it is our conviction, as IGAD and the African Union, that this opportunity should not be missed again. We are trying to convince our partners, though some still have reservations because of the political situation. Our mission is to bring them a clear mandate or provide a support for the political process there. There is no other alternative to a political solution.
We also focus on the larger challenge of rehabilitation and re-construction of the country, which will demand huge support from the international community. The UN has the capacity to do that, to mobilize the international community and all the UN agencies.

How dependent is the AU on western support for peacekeeping operations?

Well, I cannot give you a figure because as I said earlier, for the mission in Sudan, we have been exclusively dependent on funding from those partners. Regarding the mission in Somalia, we are going to depend on partners from African and non-Africa countries.
We are now looking for two options for funding and logistics. One is to mobilize the resources from the continent. We know the limitations and difficulties of our member states, because when it comes to peacekeeping operations, you have to give hundreds of millions of dollars. Therefore, we have to look to alternative sources for funding the African Union programs in general and peacekeeping in particular.
This has been under discussion in the organization. But on the other hand, we are putting a very important item on the agenda. We are saying that Chapter 8 of the UN Charter states that the UN is the primary organ for the maintenance of international peace and security in the world.
However, there is a reliance on regional mechanisms such as the African Union. We want that Chapter to be clarified and we believe as Africans, whenever the African Union decides to deploy a peace support operation with the authority, agreement and the consent of the UN Security Council, we should deploy with the financial and logistic support of the United Nations. Because we believe, in such a situation we will be doing it on behalf of the international community. So, it is only legitimate and natural that the international community as a whole including the African countries, be involved in assuming responsibilities of funding such a mission. For instance, the Security Council of the United Nations took the decision authorizing the mission of the AU but it has not authorized funding for the mission. We want the UN to take that decision, and as part of that decision to include what we are doing now in Darfur in the hybrid operation of the AU and the UN. The African Union will still be leading the mission with substantial involvement of the United Nations command.

Speaking of Darfur, some say that the AU has failed. What is your opinion?

I don’t agree with that. Yes, we have not been able to achieve what is needed, but it is difficult for me to say that the AU has failed. I think the African Union has established its determination to help the suffering people in Africa. I also think it has been successful in formulating its own Charter Protocol Act established in the Peace and Security Council. So at least, the African Union has tried and despite all difficulties we believe we have avoided an even greater tragedy in Darfur. But one can say that we have not been able to achieve collective goals with respect to Darfur.

What was the outcome of the Al-bashir-Ban Ki moon discussion at the 8th ordinary summit of AU heads of state?

Well, the situation on the ground remains as it was during the summit. From our perspective as AU and UN, because now we are working together, we have re-activated our efforts to try to consolidate the Darfur Peace Agreement in Abuja. Our special envoys to Darfur Dr. Salim Ahmed Salim (former OAU Secretary General) and Mr. Jan Eliasson (UNSG special envoy) have been in Khartoum recently and they have put a mechanism through. We want to get other parties in Darfur involved, which gives us more potential for implementing the agreement on the ground. That is one thing. The other is that we are working very hard with the UN to put in place what has been agreed during the meeting on the 16th of November in Addis Ababa by all important stakeholders from the international community, including the Sudan. This was endorsed by the Peace and Security Council of the African Union.
The mission will remain essentially African in character with funding by the United Nations. We will then be able to focus on accelerating the solution. Security-wise, it is still unpredictable because some areas are difficult to access.

When exactly do you think this hybrid force will be deployed?

Actually, we have had a series of consultations with our colleagues at the UN. I am on the eve of my departure to New York for what we believe will be our final consultation. During the recent visit to Ethiopia of UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon for the AU Summit, there was a very important discussion between him and Chairman Alpha Oumar Konnare of the AU at which parameters were agreed upon.
We, like our colleagues at the UN, want to expedite the preparation for best output so that the hybrid force could deploy as soon as possible and for funding to be effected.

What do you think would be the effective way of minimizing or avoiding conflict on the continent?

I spoke about our Peace and Security Architecture and also referred to the Continental Early Warning System. What we are lacking so far is a mechanism which is accepted by all and which will enable the African Union to go to the conflict areas. We have not provided ourselves with a tool or a key to open the door of a member state to look into what is happening. We said that we need a key, but we do not know what that key is. The document which we are in the process of forming will give us the key which will enable us to go and open the door of all our member states whenever there is a situation which deserves a collective action.
As it is now, we may be told ‘there is nothing wrong with us, why are you here?’ when we try to come in, unless we are given the key by each of the member states. And this is with the intention of partnership, we are not working against our member states but with them, with their consent. That means to say, ‘please let us take action before it develops into conflict.’ All our member states have potential for conflict. It could be regional, ethnic or internal. A number of indicators should hence be developed and agreed with member states.
The second aspect and one that is much more important is investing in democracy and good governance. The real cement for ensuring stability and peace is accepting one another’s diversity. Making sure that power and wealth are shared equitably, fair justice for all, and installing democratic system based on African realities.
So, I believe we should invest on both - good governance and democratic institutions as well as on arrangements and mechanisms that allow Africans to collectively help other states. A problem of any state is the problem of all our member states. If you look at the situation here in Ethiopia, can Ethiopia say what is happening in Somalia does not concern it? Can Kenya or Djibouti say the same? Or can Côte D’Ivoire say events in Sierra Leone do not affect it? The continent is interlinked. So when Africans come to help it is not interference, but solidarity.
The African institutions cannot remain indifferent to the sufferings of Africans wherever they may be. That is the new philosophy of the African Union.