The
competition for African oil
from a business perspective
From the perspective of the global oil industry, the importance
of Africa as a source of global oil supplies is undeniable. While
African oil reserves are still dwarfed by those in the Persian Gulf
states, the proven oil reserves of Nigeria (35.9 billion barrels
in 2005) and Libya (39.1 billion) are higher than those of the United
States (29.3 billion) and China (16 billion) and dwarf those of
the United Kingdom (4 billion) and many important petro-states such
as Azerbaijan (7 billion) and Mexico (13.7 billion). Even though
almost two-thirds of the world’s proven oil supplies are located
in the Middle East, the access to the nationalized oil resources
in Saudi Arabia has been restricted for decades and a large chunk
of the proven reserves are likely to remain underexploited for some
time to come. In contrast, African states have been keen on developing
oil production at a fast speed and have allowed multinational firms
to enter, which is demonstrated by the projected increases in African
oil production.
The US Department of Energy estimated that total African oil production
is set to rise by 91 percent between 2002 and 2025, from 8.6 to
16.4 million barrels per day. To put this in perspective, world
oil production capacity is predicted to grow by 53 percent between
2002 and 2025, from 80 to 122.2 million barrels per day. Africa’s
oil production is therefore scheduled to grow at a faster rate than
elsewhere, helping to satisfy the world’s rising demand for
fossil fuels.
African countries continue to be attractive to foreign investors.
In a 2006 ranking of 114 oil-exploring and oil-producing countries,
Africa’s oil producers scored very highly in terms of attractiveness:
Congo (Brazzaville) was ranked 8th, Angola 9th, Nigeria 11th, Libya
12th, Mauritania 17th, Sudan 18th, Cote d’Ivoire 20th, Gabon
23rd, and Equatorial Guinea 24th.
While it is difficult to obtain any figures because of commercial
confidentiality, oil production and exploration in Africa can be
very profitable by international standards. A key factor is fiscal
regimes, although tax rates vary widely between African countries
(e.g. Equatorial Guinea and Gabon are much more attractive than
Nigeria and Angola). The commercial costs of oil exploration and
production in Africa are relatively low, especially if African offshore
operations are compared with those in the North Sea or the Gulf
of Mexico. Just as importantly, a key attraction of Africa for oil
companies is the high success rate in drilling operations, that
is, the number of successful oil- and gas-well discoveries divided
by the total number of drillings. As a key geological advantage,
the quality of African oil tends to be high; African crude oil tends
to be of relatively high API gravity (which stands for the American
Petroleum Institute standard) and low sulphur content (which is
sought after), with a few notable exceptions such as Egyptian crude.
In comparison with crude oil from the Middle East, crude oil from
West and North Africa is closer to the markets of Europe and the
United States, so an oil tanker journey from Nigeria or Angola is
at least several days shorter, and the buyer can therefore save
money on the payment of tanker charter and insurance. Furthermore,
North Africa has a key advantage of supplying oil and gas via pipelines
to Europe, and there are currently plans for expanding and building
new pipelines from Libya and Algeria to Spain and Italy, as well
as a pipeline from Egypt through Turkey to Europe planned for 2011.
The most ambitious plan is to build the 4,300-kilometre long Trans–Sahara
pipeline from Nigeria through Algeria to Europe (rumoured to require
an investment of US$10 billion), for which a feasibility study has
recently been completed.
To sum up, while any generalizations are difficult and there are
undoubtedly exceptions, African oil and gas resources offer clear
commercial advantages to international oil firms. This helps to
understand why African oil production over the next decade will
be expanded at a quicker pace than the world average. But can we
argue that there is a Scramble for Africa from a business perspective?
If a Scramble for Africa has taken place, one would expect that
companies engaged in African operations have both increased in quantity
and have a more diverse make-up. One measure of this commercial
engagement is the number of oil companies that hold oil and gas
licences in a given country. In the largest petro-state, Nigeria
the current number of companies with an Oil Mining Licence (OML)
and an Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL) is 77 (as of September 2006),
of which 45 are indigenous Nigerian firms. To put this into context,
in 1966 and 1986, 8 and 12 oil companies respectively had OMLs or
OPLs in Nigeria. By 1998, and still before the current influx of
Chinese and other emerging market firms, their number had already
risen to over 50.
In terms of the make-up of companies, there is a more readily visible
diversity, given the influx of Chinese, Indian, Brazilian, and other
companies from both the public and the private sectors.
Senior executives of Western firms privately express their concerns
about the influx of new players, and they see them as a potential
threat to their position. One of the most often heard complaints
of Western managers is that the new Asian firms often pay little
attention to social and environmental concerns.
On various occasions, the new players have encroached on territories
previously in the domain of the giant multinationals such as Exxon,
Shell, and BP. In Angola, the authorities declined to renew an oil
concession to Total in favour of Sinopec. During the second licensing
round in Libya in 2005, European and Asian companies received almost
all of the oil licences with just one exception; winners included
companies from Japan, Russia, Turkey, Indonesia, India, and China.
During the 2005 licensing round in Nigeria, the government awarded
two deep offshore oil concessions to the Korea National Oil Corporation.
Therefore, by the measure of the diversity of companies entering
Africa, one can indeed speak of a Scramble.
However,one should caution against overemphasizing their impact.
With the notable exception of Brazil’s Petrobras, which is
recognized as one of the world’s most experienced oil firms
in offshore petroleum technology, the other oil firms from emerging
markets are relatively inexperienced market players.
Indeed, in a number of cases such as Gabon, the new entrants have
focused on marginal fields, which have been either abandoned by
major oil companies or considered commercially unviable by the established
larger multinational firms. Furthermore, the Chinese commercial
engagement in the oil sector focuses on supply contracts and buying
shares in existing oil fields; with the notable exception of the
Sudan, the Chinese state-owned firms do not yet operate any significant
oil-and-gas–producing fields of their own. Deep offshore oil
fields in the Gulf of Guinea are considered the greatest and most
profitable prize in Africa; here, the dominant companies are Exxon,
Shell, BP, and a handful of others, while most other companies lack
the financial and above all the technical capability to seriously
rival them. Therefore, the new players do not necessarily directly
threaten the position of the established Western firms with regard
to the most attractive business opportunities.
The impact of Chinese and other emerging market oil firms on the
ground is still relatively small. For instance, over 95 percent
of the oil produced in Africa’s largest petro-state, Nigeria,
is generated by only five companies: Shell, Exxon, Chevron, Total,
and Agip; this situation is unlikely to change soon either in Nigeria
or in some other key petro-states. If a major shift is going to
happen in future, it will take years to materialize.
While China has become one of Africa’s main trading partners,
its foreign investment is still lagging behind. According to the
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), ‘notwithstanding
growing interest among Asian investors, most of Africa’s FDI
inflows originate mainly from developed countries (Western Europe,
the United States) and South Africa’. The top five investors
to Africa are France, the Netherlands, South Africa, the United
Kingdom, and the United States, which accounted for ‘more
than half of total inflows to Africa’ in 2003 and 2004. The
Chinese impact will be felt to a much greater extent over the coming
years, but the currently available data do not yet point to a shift
in investment.
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