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Media in Ethiopia II

The long learning curve

By Tesfu Telahoun

This four part series on media development in Ethiopia opened last week by cautiously lauding a noticeable resurgence of the media, especially in light of the regress following the aftermath of the May 2005 elections. With that established, the article lamented the awningly empty airwaves and the equally uncrowded field of print media in our country. The situation is aggravated by the fact that despite the scarcity of media outlets and minimal competition, electronic programming and newspaper content and respective production values remain poor. Part One added a note of caution that domestic media is at risk of losing the Ethiopian public to foreign media.
Part Two -The Long Learning Curve-explores the in-house limitations of Ethiopian media as well as public misconceptions of the role of media in a democratizing nation.

There can be no doubt that the seventeen years (1974-1991) of military dictatorship retarded progress in too many areas of national life. The limited independent media that had begun to take root during the Haile Selasie era such as numerous magazines and Bisrate Wengel - a gospel radio station, were either closed down by decree or default and, in Bisrate Wongel's case - nationalized to serve the new order of the day.
Given the obvious constraints of any newly emerging sector, Ethiopian media since 1991 can be described as a qualified success. A success of sorts because Ethiopian media has been resurrected to live again yet a qualified achievement nevertheless because the media still operates under many in-house constraints. These observations are based on the premise that current state policy allows media activity without undue restrictions. Understandably, this may be a controversial issue but one which could be better addressed once the media becomes more proficient. At that time, pressuring government to relax the terms and conditions of any press law would be more palatable to all concerned.
Reputation is Everything
Establishing a reputable record among the viewing and listening audiences and readership is the most valuable asset any media can possess. In this regard, the track record of Ethiopian media can hardly be described as a shinning example of a promising beginning. It is only required that we examine the reckless abandon with which the hard won freedom of the press was abused from the very outset (circa 1992) when Ethiopians were allowed to fully express their thoughts. Over 100 publications in various formats proliferated - including scores of lewd pornographic magazines and newspapers which repelled a conservative society. That lapse in journalistic ethics was the first sign of the dysfunctional development pattern and akin to a self-inflicted gunshot wound.
Another, more serious and in many cases terminal blow was and still is the lack of a proper understanding of the role of the private media. Many of the so-called newspapers were openly hostile to government to the point where the line between journalism and outright slander, including ethno-religious incitement; blurred and disappeared amidst the general misrepresentation of free speech by the press itself
We in the media are the privileged keepers of tremendous public responsibility. Too often, wittingly or not, we have underestimated the power of the microphone/ pen. Let us not forget that the Ethiopian public is a gullible audience. Why, even as recently as 34 years ago, many of our parents thought Haile- sellassie was descended of God and possessed divinity. Former society accepted without reservation and believed firmly as truth, the dogma of the ruling classes amid the general feudalism for two thousand years.
When formal media began in the early 1920s, it was against the backdrop of a servile and cowed society.
The decades of military misrule enforced the society's natural tendency to swallow whole whatever was thrown at it. The fervor with which hundreds of thousands applauded Marxism Leninism and the New Ethiopia as espoused by Serto Ader (WPE/Derg organ), sister Addis Zemen and other sychoophantic state publications, was no less enthusiastic than when they swore "Haile Selasie Yemut!"
The onset of an era of freedom of expression following the EPRDF victory in 1991 is in retrospect, similar to a starving person (Ethiopia) gorging on a full course meal, (proliferation of new media) a sure recipe for gastric disaster and even terminal overdose. The public and flooded with a plethora of competing print media and it could logically have been expected that a discerning culture of reading would develop. Unfortunately, a vast majority of the new press and public was caught up in a maelstrom - a sort 22 situation. Conventional wisdom of the period was so distorted that somehow the perception grew that state media were on 'that' side and quite naturally, therefore, private media must by necessity be anti-government. To oppose was what the reading public wanted and what too many publications saw as their raison d'etre.
Next week- The long learning curve continues

 

The new improved Bush

By Tesfu Telahoun

The scion of a wealthy and powerful dynasty, the future president experienced his first born-again moment at 40 years of age when the hellraiser Texan playboy went on the wagon, persevered and has not fallen off since. The second is now in progress.
Fast forward through the first years of the 21st century and inarguably, George Bush is the most controversial U.S. president since Richard Nixon and Harry S.Truman -even shall we dare say, of history?
He is viscerally loathed by his detractors as he is idolized by his ardent admirers. There is no equivocation of position when one is asked to express opinions about the most powerful human on the planet. People know clearly how they feel about President Bush-who has now entered the so-called "lame duck" phase of his second term.
For the last seven years and especially since 9/11; Bush, his party and the U.S. in general, have had to go through difficult times. Many U.S. and nearly all world media, incensed at the unilateral declaration by the U.S. of the "war on terror" have made Bush the prime target of diatribes in editorials from Amman to Antananrivo and Muscat to Moscow.
At long last however, as the world's attention focuses ever more on the U.S. elections, good news - a rare commodity in the Bush presidency, is plentiful and the beleagured president is taking full advantage. What has occurred to foster this political rebirth Bush is enjoying at the moment? Several factors come to mind but Iraq, the Middle East and the election of conservative leaders in Europe stand out.
IRAQ is working
Approval ratings for President Bush are the most erratic of any world leader. Following 9/11, Bush enjoyed an approval rating of 90 percent (the highest of any president in U.S.- history) but has also wallowed in the low twenties with a disapproval rating of over 65%; also a record since Nixon of Watergate infamy.
International regard for the president was dealt a near fatal blow by the invasion of Iraq as the traditional western allies fell out. It plummeted even further when the U.S. led coalition failed to discover Saddam's WMDs -the objective of Operation Iraqi Freedom. A the text book perfect invasion succeeded in toppling a loathed dictator but the nation he had kept together with barbaric cruelty began to fall apart. Donald Rumsfeld's 'Shock and Awe 'strategy liberated Iraq but his post invasion planning was hardly worth the name. Very quickly it became too clear that although it is possible to conquer a fairly large nation with just 130,000 troops, occupying it with any reasonable degree of pacification proved to be a difficult if not impossible task.
Enter AQI -(Al- Queada in Iraq) which skillfully and mercilessly stepped into the vacuum. AQI , gambling on the fierce patriotism of Iraqi's; who were and are fully justified in resisting foreign occupation, exploited the situation by wanton acts of mass murder, cunningly devised to widen long suppressed ethnic and sectarian division. AQI brought untold suffering and misery to a nation that has already endured nearly three decades of Baathist excess.
The international community became innured to the appalling bloodshed - choosing to callously feed off news of the horrific carnage and of course, point a fingur at the world's scapegoat (U.S.) personified (they wouldn't use that word) by George Walker Bush.
The turning point
A little over a year ago, (some say as early as the elimination of Jordanese born mass killer Al-Zarquawi) the unholy alliance among the disparate parts of the insurgency began to crack.
This situation was also strengthened by a unilateral declaration of a cessation of hostilities on coalition forces by the powerful Shitte milita of cleric Mukhtadar al Sadr.
The patriotic insurgency over the last eight months has almost completely eliminated AQI from their ranks as they even co-operate on joint search and destroy operations with coalition forces.
Baghdad is returning to a semblance of normality. Land and house prices are rising as refugees begin to trickle then rush back home.
(Continues next week)