Always the optimist

Ethiopia and the United States of America have an official relationship spanning nearly a century. They have enjoyed many decades of mutually beneficial bilateral relations, as well as some rocky terrain. During the latter years of the Cold War, Ethiopia and the U.S. were implacable foes until Marxism-Leninism came crashing down around the world and a certain wall was demolished. In Ethiopia, a once Marxist inclined rebel front, marched into Addis Ababa, dismantled a brutal military regime and quickly abandoned dialectical materialism for free market capitalism.
Ethio-U.S. relations, sorely tested for over seventeen years, were re-invigorated and since 1991, have grown in both depth and scope. To better gauge the current state of Ethio-U.S. relations,
Capital's Tesfu Telahoun and Kirubel Tadesse present Ambassador Donald Yamamoto, who gave Capital a wide ranging exclusive interview.

Capital: Despite the close political and development aid co-operation, there is not a corresponding level of U.S. direct investment in Ethiopia. Why is this so?
Ambassador Yamamoto: Yes...that is a problem and what we are trying to reverse through the American Chamber of Commerce. On the export side, we are the fourth or fifth largest purchaser of Ethiopian goods and in the last couple of years U.S. imports of Ethiopian goods doubled to over 81 million USD. One of the reasons for this is that now AGOA is kicking in. We also brought a group of buyers in May last year from Nordstrom, Macy's and other department stores. They bought hundreds of thousands USD worth of goods. We are hoping that this is going to double or even triple for the next year or so. Purchases are going well, but as you said the problem is in investment. It is something we need to expand. One of the issues is that as you may know, every year we give out the MCA report- that is the Millennium Challenge Corporation report card. Ethiopia has always been an MCA alternate so what we are trying to do is so that it can become like Rwanda, Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and Madagascar and get MCA or even threshold status. That will help immensely. However, there has to be improvement in certain areas; one being of course Ethiopia's WTO accession, which I think will help Ethiopia significantly. In that case, we can probably start attracting investments. By the way, I am flying to Washington tonight (Friday, March 21, 2008) to work specifically on the issues of trade and investment.

Capital: Why is Ethiopia an alternate country?
Ambassador Yamamoto: Of the forty eight countries in sub Saharan Africa, less than a third made it. It is very difficult as there are strict criteria to meet. Ethiopia does very well on the rule of law and ease of setting up businesses. But then there are fifteen categories and you have to score green in a preponderance of those and also green in specific categories. These are the rule of law, simplicity in starting businesses, and trade indicators including inflation. Another category is the human rights issue which holds several sub categories. It is a very difficult process and that is why I say WTO accession would really help Ethiopia because those areas are also what Ethiopia needs do to get WTO accession. However, before that we could still work on investment. What we need to demonstrate to American investors is that there are opportunities. The American Chamber of Commerce (ACC) which we established is really one of the biggest boosters for getting these investments. This is significant because there are only two other chambers in South Africa and Kenya, Ethiopia would be only the third. That means Ethiopia will be ahead of Ghana, Uganda, Tanzania and Madagascar, which already have MCA. Investor confidence will be boosted by the establishment of the ACC.

Capital: Is the ACC in anticipation that Ethiopia would soon be included in MCA?
Ambassador Yamamoto: No. I think right now we are not even considering MCA. That's further down the road. What we should consider right now is getting investors to invest. Once they do and succeed then you can bring in more investors. If something good happens, it will expand-like a domino effect if you will. People in America have criticized me saying to me 'why are you opening a chamber in Ethiopia when you haven't done so in Ghana, which is clearly closer to us or in Senegal?' Well, the answer is that it is because Ethiopia has unique qualities that other countries don't have. And this is going to be the ticket, so we really need to get the chamber officially launched- hopefully very soon. We have already conducted a lot of organizational establishment and the group exists and already has members. All we need is the seal from the government and we can take off, attract investors and guarantee their investment. Once you have a chamber of commerce, you are in effect guaranteeing that those companies are blue-chip companies that you can do business with and participate in investment. .

Capital: How would you describe the state of Ethio-US relations especially in light of HR 2003, the Ethiopian involvement in Somalia and other issues?
Ambassador Yamamoto: Overall the relationship with Ethiopia is good and the reason is because Ethiopia is a cornerstone country. That is not going to change whoever is going to be US president. Ethiopia has always been and will remain a cornerstone country for the US, bar any unforeseen problems. Just look at it- a great location, a large population and a close relationship with the United States on all areas; political, economic, and development. Another thing is Ethiopia's prominence in the region. Look at the problems in neighboring countries; Kenya is also a cornerstone country, but they had problems of ethnic violence after the election. They overcame those issues though and remain an important country. But Ethiopia after the 2005 elections and now going on to local elections soon, is a very stable country. Ethiopia has done a tremendous job on working on the Sudan peace process. Your prime minister is probably the only leader who can talk to both Beshir and Salva Kier at the same time. I don't think any one can, we certainly can't do it.
In Somalia, Ethiopia is really one of the main interlocutors with the new government. A third fact is that in the region Ethiopia is right now the second largest contributor of peace keeping troops. That means it is a stabilizer for the continent. Ethiopia and South Africa at its own expense, stabilizes Burundi, after ten years of civil war. Right now Ethiopian troops are in Liberia, Côte d'Ivoire and you are going to Darfur soon.

Capital: How confident is the US in Ethiopia's continuing stability?
Ambassador Yamamoto: Stability is taken two ways. Even if you have disagreements; or even demonstrations, as long as you have the mechanisms for addressing the needs and issues of the people and if you have a polity really committed towards certain security issues, economic development issues; then that is a stabilizing factor. I don't think anyone disagrees that you need to have certain development programs in place. Everyone agrees that you need health care, education, and development strategies. The ministers have articulated a nationwide strategy on nutrition, health care, education and a development plan that integrates the whole nation. Every one agrees to that including the opposition and that's great thing. On the political side, I think it is a different issue. But even so, if you have every one committed to political dialog and a process, it is all good. Argument and division are fine as long as you have a mechanism and a process to address them. That's what we have been working on with the government and the opposition. A recently as last week, I have spent time not only with the government parties but also with the opposition. And yes, there is a lot of...you know-clash… but as long as there is a process it is going to be alright.

Capital: It was reported that some US officials had advised Prime Minister Meles not to enter Somalia. What is the stance now and is Ethiopia succeeding in Somalia?
Ambassador Yamamoto: I think you need to ask that to the P.M.

Capital: I was referring to those US officials who were against Ethiopian government involvement?
Ambassador Yamamoto: It is public knowledge that…..for the United States; it is still very difficult because of our experience. You see everything we have said has been based on our experience from 1991's Operation Restore Hope-which didn't go well for us.
So our advice has been always been caution because we don't know and understand the clan system in Somalia. It is just too complex. And for us to give advice to go or not to go in- that is not our decision. However, that is water under the bridge and what we need to look at right now is that success has to mean stability and the formation of the government in Somalia. We have the transitional federal government (TFG) now and in 2009 there will be another election. I think that is a work in progress. We are going to wait for the 2009 election and afterwards, to see if stability is taking hold. Right now, there are positive signs as well as troubling sides. There is progress in some areas and none in others so I think the jury is out. It is too early to tell how it will turn out. But I personally think that we have to do something for Somalia. Everyone agrees to that and for so long the United States has been criticized for not being engaged, well, we are now engaged. We are the biggest donor for Somalia right now. We didn't do that before as the most we were giving was one million USD-peanuts, as we say. Now we are up to over fifty million. We are doing strategic lift, equipment…etc for the UNISOM troops. We are looking at training of the transitional government forces so we are very much committed to Somalia right now. Whether it is success or not, the main issue is that if we don't do something now it won't be successful. We have got to do something now to stabilize that country. Otherwise you are going to have extremists taking over this entity and using it as a platform. Look at Ethiopia right now. People talk about insurgency by the ONLF-another danger, probably, but a far greater danger is the extremists coming over the border, targeting Ethiopia. That is why we must stabilize Somalia and we have no other choice. The international community has to be committed. The Europeans are committed, we are committed and Ethiopia is committed. We need the regional states, the African Union, and the United Nations to be committed. A very strong commitment is required because we may not have this opportunity again. That really should be the message. If we don't act now we won't have this opportunity for some time.

Capital: Things are hotting up on the Ethio-Eritrea border. How would the United States help to prevent another round of conflict?
Ambassador Yamamoto: We have articulated a position at the United Nations. This has to be very strongly emphasized. The actions we take or don't take can influence in some ways, missteps or misunderstandings on the border. When Eritrea imposed restrictions on the UN troops, that was not only unacceptable but they were historic because no other country has ever done that. The U.S. position is that the condemnation of Eritrea is based not on the border issue and it's not a result of it, but because of Eritrea's restriction. It has undercut the integrity and sanctity of the UN troops. So we have been very careful to say it is the preservation of UNMEE for safety and security and to allow them to continue to do their job and duty. So it is not about the border, it is about the United Nations.
The second issue that should be discussed obviously is the border. However, the border is only symptomatic of the fundamental differences between the two countries. We have always argued; not only us but also the witnesses to the Algiers's agreement that if you don't stand strong and help both parties talk to each other to resolve how they are going to do demarcation, you are not going to get peace. Because at the heart of demarcation is how these two countries are going to live with each other. What the UN does now and how strong a message it gives to Esayas Afework can send a very powerful message or a very misleading one. I will give you one example; if we don't stand strong on calling Eritrea to the mat-so to speak, on the border issue, other countries like Sudan, who are accepting Darfur troops, can set conditions, restrictions and obstacles- which would make operation there impossible. So what we need to be strong about is to preserve the integrity and sanctity of the UN and UN peacekeeping. Those are two critical issues.

Capital: The Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has categorically rejected the recently released Human Rights Country Report on Ethiopia. While talking to Capital, a spokesperson was quoted as saying that the report is biased and mainly copied from some reports by the opposition. How seriously should we take the report, especially in terms of accuracy?
Ambassador Yamamoto: You should take it very seriously. We try to verify facts and get two, three or more references that don't know each other, so that they can corroborate the information. That is not to say it is completely fool-proof; there are some problems we notice but overall I think the report is the best as far as accuracy and information is concerned. It is just not only for Ethiopia, it is all for all countries. Remember that Ethiopia was not designated as a 'country of concern.' We have three categories; the five countries who are really not good and the second level which includes Eritrea and China. So I think that is one plus for Ethiopia.

Capital: There are accusations of politically motivated killings and disappearances in the report…very serious ones; but it is still business as usual with the USA. So if Ethiopia isn't meeting these very high standards of human rights protection, why isn't the US putting pressure or applying some sticks?
Ambassador Yamamoto: We work with this government to come up with investigations and the response and information on those issued that were raised in the report. We are discussing this with them. You also have to understand that the human rights report is for a three year period. That is why 2005 was included; it isn't only the past year. If next year, we get more information about 2005, it is going to be there. I think what you need to do is look at it and divide it in to those abuses that occurred in 2005, 2006, and 2007 and compare the numbers. 2005 was up here (pointing high) on the number of information in the human rights report. 2006 was less so.

Capital: So is there a trend for the better?
Ambassador Yamamoto: No. It just means that we couldn't verify the reports. I don't think you should look at the report by thinking it is getting better or worse. I think it is the conditions in institutions and capacity. What is revealed from the report is the need for the United States and other countries to work with Ethiopia on capacity building -resolve a lot of problems that are easy to resolve like with training of judges, prosecutors, and defense lawyers. The other is building institutions and once you have that they can address the situation. As long as there is a judiciary process, that is fine. but if there is a weakness in the judiciary process, then that becomes an issue so that's why it gets in to the report.
Yes, the incidents are serious but the more important issue of the need to do institutions and capacity building. That's the major message from the report.

Capital: There is strong sentiment, especially among opposition leaders and supporters, that Ethiopia has been let down by the United States- its democracy sacrificed for the sake of American foreign policy , including for the war on terror. We recently reported that this view is shared by one of the main negotiators for the opposition, Dr. Yakob Hailemariam. What is your take on this?
Ambassador Yamamoto: Look at our Human Rights Report. I don't think we let anyone on down the issues. We spend a lot of time on democracy issues and opening political space for the opposition, doing political dialog between opposition and government and building institutions such as the national electoral board and guaranteeing freedoms and rights; but again, it is a work in progress. If you look at US history, it took us thirty eighty years before we had real multi party democracy issues. Look at other countries like Japan. They didn't have multi party elections until recently and that took them fifty years.

Capital: There is a frightening outcome of the Kenya crisis…a perception that violence pays…..
Ambassador Yamamoto: Why is that?

Capital: Over a thousand people died and the violence some say, forced the state to amend the constitution and include the opposition in a fifty-fifty split. It this a result of the violence?
Ambassador Yamamoto: I think you should look at five years ago when Moi stepped down. They had real, open and transparent elections and that's where the breakdown started. I think we misjudged the situation and depth of animosity within the electoral process and probably, we didn't do enough homework to focus on insuring the electoral process works so I think what came out is we need to pay better attention to the political process. We need to work with all parties to ensure that there is political space…… You look at elements on both sides; Kibaki and Odinga, looking at undemocratic actions such as ethnic violence. But I can't comment too much about it. The situation in the two countries is very different. Ethiopian character is very different; you have the ability and the phenomenal patience. I have never seen a people or nationality which is so patient and with such an adherence to the unity of the state.

Capital: Dr. Behanu Nega, one of the key opposition figures of the May 2005 elections, speaking recently at Bucknell University, disclosed that Ambassador Vicki proposed while he was in prison for him to abrogate his mayorship and accept the caretaker administration. If true, was that decent of the US?
Ambassador Yamamoto: In the negotiations, our position was that everyone who is elected to Parliament or City administration take up their positions. Because the elections in 2005 were historic; you went from twelve opposition to one hundred ninety seven in parliament. You had all the administration except for one slot, taken over by opposition. So our position was, 'don't boycott, go to parliament and go to city hall.' Of course, they argued and probably had some truth in it that they are not going to be able to have complete control over their budget or institutions. Yet the mere fact that you are in a position of leadership; you should take that chance; that risk. If you had taken the risk to win, take also the risk to say to the people that yes you have voted for us and we are going to do the best job we can. However, completely boycotting and not participating, that was the position we didn't agree with.

Capital: The Opposition claim that it was not boycotting. Talking to Birtukan Medksa, vice chair of the former CUDP, we quoted her that it was because of the eight conditions set for the government to meet. The Opposition also say they are disappointed that you didn't list them as political prisoners as have Amnesty International and the European Union?
Ambassador Yamamoto: But they still come to dinner…. (Laughter)

Capital: Why didn't the US ask for their immediate release following suit with the EU or Amnesty International?
Ambassador Yamamoto: The bottom line is, this is an Ethiopian political process and we are not going to involve in domestic issues. We convey to both parties privately and they know…go and talk to Birtukan or Hailu Shaul and look at the history of negotiations… (I should write a book on it)…because obviously, you have re-creation in history of what was said and not said.
We should look to the future, to the 2010 national elections. Are we going to have a better election? I think we will and that should be the focus.

Capital: The former main opposition is divided into four or more factions and can't secure legal status. Isn't it too optimistic to expect better elections in 2010?
Ambassador Yamamoto: We are going to try. We are going to work on it. As long as we can get institutions building, whether the Opposition unites or not, that is the decision for them to make. As long as we can work with the government, have a government and opposition work together and give opportunities, that is all we ask for.

Capital: Why has the U.S repeatedly snubbed Ethiopia a key alley, by not including it on presidential itineraries?
Ambassador Yamamoto: The tradition of a sitting president visiting African really only began under Clinton. Bush made two trips and Ethiopia will be visited in the future.
It doesn't mean the current president doesn't know Ethiopia. He does. Remember Meles visited the White House in 2002 and also met the US president. The actual physical visit here is symbolic but it will happen. The important part is what the US continues to do for Ethiopia and we consider Ethiopia as strategic partner and cornerstone country. It is the beneficiary of most of our programs. In fact, right now Ethiopia has obtained 650 million USD in total assistances and investments. That is the second largest in sub-Sahara and third in the Africa. Those statistics are more important.

Capital: The US election is attracting a lot of media and press attention in Ethiopia. Even those who don't report on local bi-elections are continuously reporting on the US elections. How do you see that?
Ambassador Yamamoto: Ethiopia is very unique; you have 1.2 million legal Ethiopian residents and citizens in America. That is a largest diaspora and because of that I think you have a stronger interest in American politics. Even if it is universal, I think there is more profile in Ethiopia about this historic US election. The first black and first woman…the question is that if you do it in America …why not here!?