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Breaking the Speculative Spell on Our Capital

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The dream of a home in Addis Ababa is a peculiar kind of fever. It grips the young professional, the returning diaspora, the family saving for generations. It is a dream built on a foundation of concrete, steel, and a paradox so profound it defines the city’s skyline, a forest of half-finished towers and condominiums. To understand this city is to understand why a man will commit to a twenty-year loan, shackling himself to a monthly payment of eighty-five thousand Birr for a house, when that very same house, just next door, can be rented for a mere fraction, perhaps fifteen or twenty thousand. This is not a simple miscalculation of the market. It is rather a symptom of a deeper structural malaise, a collective spell where logic has been suspended in favor of a desperate, and ultimately fragile, belief.

The arithmetic is brutal in its clarity. Consider a home valued at five million Birr. To purchase it with a bank loan over two decades is to sign up for a financial marathon where the path is paved with monthly installments that dwarf the average annual income of many Ethiopians. That eightyfive thousand Birr is not just a number. It is a weight that dictates life choices, forgoing education, healthcare, and simple pleasures for the distant promise of ownership. Meanwhile, the rental market whispers a different, more rational truth. For a fifth of that crippling payment, one can live in an identical structure, in the same neighborhood, with the same walls and the same view. The renter enjoys a liquidity and freedom that the buyer, for twenty years, can only dream of. Yet, the true cost is even deeper. Even if one buys the same house with their own cash, the opportunity cost remains. That five million Birr could have been invested elsewhere, potentially attracting a return as significant or more than the loan repayment amount. The buyer is essentially forgoing that potential income in favor of the concrete, a choice that is only rational if the property’s appreciation wildly outpaces the market. This chasm between the cost of owning and the cost of renting is not a natural economic phenomenon; it is a fracture in the system itself.

This fracture is forged in the fires of several converging crises. The first is the staggering cost of construction. In Addis Ababa, building materials are not merely expensive; their prices are often inflated by a complex web of supply chain bottlenecks, limited local production, and import dependencies that leave the market vulnerable to volatility. Cement, steel, and sanitary ware carry price tags that seem detached from reality, embedding a high baseline cost into every brick laid.

This initial sin is then compounded by the second, and perhaps most crippling, element: irrationally high bank lending rates. The financial institutions, operating in an environment of perceived risk and limited capital, offer loans with interest rates that would be unthinkable in other contexts. These rates are not designed to facilitate ownership but to protect the bank, effectively ensuring that the buyer pays for the house several times over by the time the final installment is cleared. The monthly repayment becomes less about paying down a principal and more about servicing a perpetual debt.

Yet, if the financial burden is so immense and the rental alternative so starkly economical, why does the scramble for ownership persist with such fervor? The answer lies in a third, more insidious factor: information asymmetry and a profound shift in the perception of what a house represents. For many, the house in Addis Ababa is no longer primarily a shelter, a place to raise a family and build a life. It has been altered into the ultimate investment vehicle in an economy with painfully few alternatives. The Ethiopian capital market remains a distant horizon, a promise of stocks and bonds that has yet to materialize for the average saver. Where does one park their life’s savings to guard against inflation and currency devaluation? The answer, for a growing and anxious middle class, is in four walls and a roof.

This investment mindset creates a self-perpetuating cycle. People buy houses not to live in, but to hold, betting on perpetual appreciation. This speculative demand further fuels the construction boom, which in turn drives up the cost of materials, making houses even more expensive and reinforcing their status as luxury assets rather than basic infrastructure. It is a closed loop of irrationality, where the high cost justifies the investment thesis, and the investment thesis justifies the high cost. The actual utility of the house – as a home – becomes almost incidental. This is why the rational calculation of renting versus buying holds no influence. The buyers are not comparing monthly payments, but are making a long-term bet on the city’s future and their own financial security. They are, in a sense, renting money from the bank at an exorbitant rate to own an asset they believe will outpace that cost.

But every fever breaks. The arrival of a formal capital market, with its array of stocks, government securities, and corporate bonds, promises to be the cold compress that shocks the system. It would offer that long-awaited alternative, a channel for savings that does not require a five-million-Birr entry ticket and a two-decade debt sentence. It would finally provide a rational benchmark against which to measure the opportunity cost of real estate. If people can earn a reasonable return by investing in the productive capacity of Ethiopian businesses – in manufacturing, in technology, in agriculture – then the frantic scramble for residential real estate as the sole store of value may begin to subside. The house could slowly return to its original purpose: a home.

This potential paradigm shift is not just about correcting a market inefficiency; it is about redirecting the lifeblood of the nation’s economy. The billions of Birr currently locked into concrete, in buildings that often stand half-empty as speculative assets, represent a monumental misallocation of capital. This is capital that could be funding startups, expanding factories, and fueling innovation in sectors that create jobs and generate real, sustainable wealth. The housing shortage in Addis Ababa is real and acute, but the solution is not, and cannot be, a continued frenzy of construction under the current terms. The solution lies in untangling the knot of high finance and speculative fear that has made building a home a losing proposition for everyone except the speculator.

A new consciousness is needed, a coming to one’s senses. Why willingly choose to “rent” money at a devastatingly high cost to own a house, when one can simply rent the house itself for less and direct the savings towards more fruitful endeavors? The answer has been fear and a lack of choice. But as the city evolves, so too must the logic of its inhabitants. The dream of a home in Addis Ababa does not have to be a nightmare of debt. It can be recalibrated, separated from the burden of being one’s only investment. It is a shift that would not only liberate countless families from financial servitude but could also unlock the capital needed to build a more productive, diversified, and resilient economy for all. The skyline of the future need not be a monument to speculative anxiety, but a testament to a society that has learned to invest in its people, not just in their property.

Befikadu Eba is Founder and Managing Director of Erudite Africa Investments, a former Banker with strong interests in Economics, Private Sector Development, Public Finance and Financial Inclusion. He is reachable at befikadu.eba@eruditeafrica.com.

Generation Z: A New Economic Force Redefining the Future

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Generation Z (Gen Z), typically defined as individuals born between 1997 and 2012, is quickly moving from being a fringe demographic to a dominant force reshaping the global economic landscape. As the first true digital natives, their distinct values, consumption habits, and approach to work are not just influencing markets but fundamentally redefining the concept of economic development itself. In the coming decades, their spending power and participation in the workforce will be crucial to global prosperity, but their path is marked by both unprecedented opportunity and considerable economic challenges.

Gen Z’s economic impact is primarily driven by two factors: their sheer size and their digital-first mindset. Gen Z is projected to be the largest cohort in the global population within the next decade. Their collective income and spending are on a steep upward trajectory. By 2040, their global income is expected to surge dramatically, positioning them as an extremely influential consumer group.

Digital Commerce Engine – having grown up with the internet and social media, Gen Z’s preferences overwhelmingly favor e-commerce and tech-compatible services. They use digital platforms for everything from shopping to research, driving massive growth in online retail, digital content, and platform-based services.

Experience Over Possession – this generation often prioritizes experiences (like travel, entertainment, and dining) over traditional material possessions, a trend that is rapidly transforming the discretionary spending sectors of the economy. They are also known for higher discretionary and necessity spending growth compared to older generations.

Conscious Consumerism and Sustainable Development is a pivotal issue. Perhaps the most disruptive element of Gen Z’s economic presence is their alignment of spending with their values. Shaped by global issues like climate change and social inequality, they are driving a major shift toward conscious consumerism.

Demand for Sustainability – a significant majority of Gen Z consumers are willing to pay a premium for products and services that are sustainable, ethically sourced, and environmentally friendly. This demand forces companies to adopt environmentally responsible practices and transparency in their supply chains, thus directly influencing the trajectory of sustainable economic development and corporate social responsibility.

Brand Accountability – Gen Z expects brands to be authentic, align with their social values, and take a stand on global issues. Companies that fail to demonstrate commitment to social and environmental accountability risk alienating this powerful consumer base.

Reshaping the future of work is worth noting. The influx of Gen Z into the workforce is fundamentally altering traditional employment structures, labor market dynamics, and the employer-employee relationship.

Regarding the rise of the Gig Economy and Entrepreneurship, Gen Z is less trusting of traditional, linear career paths and has witnessed economic volatility, contributing to a pragmatic and independent approach to work. They highly value flexibility, work-life balance, and autonomy—characteristics that make the gig economy and ‘side hustles’ particularly appealing. The ability to work on their own terms and craft a unique career narrative is a significant driver.

As digital natives, they leverage technology to create multiple income streams, develop skills, and engage in entrepreneurial ventures, often contributing to the thriving “Creator Economy.” This blend of freelancing and entrepreneurship generates wealth outside of traditional employment models, injecting agility into the labor market.

Gen Z demands more from their employers than just a salary. They are pushing for workplaces that prioritize growth, mental health, and purpose. Prioritization of Well-being: This generation places a high value on mental health and overall well-being, often setting clear boundaries between work and personal life. Employers are increasingly expected to offer comprehensive well-being support and a flexible working environment.

Meaning and Purpose – Gen Z seeks meaningful careers that allow them to make a positive social impact. They are motivated by working for companies whose missions align with their personal values, pressuring businesses to be not just profitable, but also good global citizens. Digital and Collaborative Skills – their innate tech-savviness brings a wealth of digital skills, an expectation for state-of-the-art workplace technology, and a preference for collaborative, less hierarchical team structures.

Regarding economic challenges and policy implications, while Gen Z brings significant disruptive power, they also face unique economic headwinds that pose challenges to achieving robust and inclusive economic development. Many Gen Zers are entering the workforce amidst high costs of living, rapidly increasing housing prices, and significant student debt. This financial pressure, combined with economic uncertainty, can hinder capital formation and long-term financial stability.

Despite their high skill levels, some Gen Z graduates face challenges with unemployment or underemployment (working in roles below their qualifications), especially as industries rapidly adopt AI and automation. This creates a risk of a “skill mismatch” if educational institutions and employers do not adapt quickly enough.

To maximize Gen Z’s positive economic contribution, public policies must adapt. This includes developing new social safety nets for gig economy workers, reforming education and training to focus on future-of-work skills (especially in AI and digital literacy), and supporting mental health initiatives.

In summary, Generation Z is not merely inheriting the global economy; they are actively rebuilding it in their image. Their twin emphasis on digital fluency and ethical purpose is driving innovation, sustainability, and a fundamental rethink of what work, consumption, and value truly mean in the 21st century. Their success, and by extension, the success of the future global economy, will depend on how effectively institutions and businesses can adapt to their unique demands and harness their transformative energy.

In the Horn of Africa, a contest for the sea

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From the air, Somalia’s coastline unfurls endlessly, a ribbon of sand and sea stretching more than 2,000 miles from Kenya to Djibouti. That same coastline now lies at the heart of a contest that could define the Horn of Africa for a generation. Its a contest of who controls access to the sea and what that means for sovereignty, alliances, and global power.

The latest spark came in January 2024, when Ethiopia, landlocked since Eritrea’s independence in 1993, signed a surprise Memorandum of Understanding with Somaliland, the breakaway region in northern Somalia.

For Ethiopia, the deal was a bold attempt to break free of its reliance on Djibouti’s ports. For Somaliland, it offered the tantalising promise of recognition. For Somalia’s federal government in Mogadishu, however, it was nothing less than an assault on its territorial integrity.

What might have been a narrow regional dispute has since metastasised into a larger geopolitical contest drawing in Turkey, the Gulf states, and the world’s great powers.

At the heart of the contest is a zero-sum question. Which is, in a neighbourhood crowded with fragile states and ambitious neighbours, can Somalia defend its sovereignty without becoming the stage for a new proxy war?

Ethiopia’s Existential Quest

For Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia, the sea is not simply an economic concern but an existential one.

“A country of more than 120 million people cannot be left without access to the sea,” he declared last year, framing maritime access as a national destiny.

Ethiopia’s dependence on Djibouti has become increasingly problematic. Currently 95 percent of its imports and exports flow through that single corridor to the Red Sea, making Addis Ababa vulnerable to political leverage and logistical bottlenecks.

A Somaliland deal, granting a 20 km strip of leased coastline for 50 years, was presented as a pragmatic solution.

But the cost was geopolitical dynamite. By offering Somaliland recognition, Ethiopia implicitly undermined Somalia’s sovereignty. In Mogadishu, leaders saw echoes of a past in which neighbours carved up Somali territory.

“This is not a port deal,” one Somali diplomat said privately. “This is a question of our existence as a nation.”

Mogadishu’s Counter-Leverage

Unable to confront Ethiopia directly, Somalia sought protection through alliances.

Within weeks, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud signed a ten-year defence and economic pact with Turkey.

The agreement gives Ankara sweeping rights to patrol Somali waters, develop its navy, and secure its ports.

For Somalia, the pact internationalises the defence of sovereignty. For Turkey, it cements its ambition to be a non-Western power broker in Africa, expanding a presence that already includes a large military base and officer training mission in Mogadishu.

The move also tied Somalia into a wider proxy axis; a Somali–Turkey–Qatar–Egypt alignment, balancing against Ethiopia’s ties with the United Arab Emirates and, more cautiously, with Saudi Arabia.

Gulf States in the Horn

Nowhere are these proxy lines sharper than in the Gulf.

The UAE has cultivated Somaliland and invested heavily in Ethiopian logistics, making Addis Ababa’s bid for sea access a natural fit for Emirati maritime strategy.

Qatar, a close ally of Turkey, has poured money into Mogadishu, offering loans and political backing to the Somali federal government.

Saudi Arabia has oscillated, wary of being pulled into another regional rivalry but conscious of the Red Sea’s centrality to its Vision 2030 economic plans.

Egypt, embroiled in a bitter dispute with Ethiopia over the Nile, has quietly encouraged Mogadishu, seeing an opportunity to stretch Ethiopia thin.

The result is a Horn of Africa whose ports and politics are now extensions of Gulf rivalries, with each investment or security pact doubling as a geopolitical footprint.

Great Powers on the Sidelines

From  beyond the region, the great powers are watching carefully.

For the United States, Somalia has long been about counterterrorism. American drones, commandos, and contractors have fought al-Shabab for two decades. Washington now worries that the Ethiopia-Somaliland deal risks unraveling fragile state building efforts.

“You can’t fight al-Shabab if the state itself is under threat,” said one Western diplomatic advisor, based in Mogadishu over the phone.

China, by contrast, sees the Horn as part of its Belt and Road vision.

With its first overseas military base in Djibouti and heavy port investments across the Red Sea, Beijing is sensitive to any shift in maritime routes. A Somaliland corridor would offer opportunities, but also risks bringing NATO-aligned Turkey deeper into China’s backyard.

The Horn, once peripheral to global strategy, has become a nexus of Sino-American rivalry, even if neither Washington nor Beijing admits it openly.

Somalia’s Fragile Core

All the while, Somalia itself remains deeply fragile.

Al-Shabab controls swaths of countryside, conducting attacks in Mogadishu and beyond. Political rifts between federal leaders and regional states simmer constantly. The influx of foreign military partners has helped, but it also risks overwhelming the state’s capacity to act independently.

“We are walking a fine line,” said a Somali analyst in Mogadishu.

“If we lean too much on one side, we risk losing sovereignty. If we lean too little, we risk being swallowed.”

For regional analysts, this introduces a new nexus.

The Ethiopia-Somaliland deal was designed to solve a logistical problem. Instead, it has redrawn the geopolitical map of the Horn.

Experts warn that three scenarios are on the horizon.

Military Standoff: Ethiopia pushes ahead with implementation, triggering Somali resistance and a potential clash along the northern coast.

Proxy Escalation: Gulf states deepen their rivalries in Somali ports, turning the country into a theatre for broader Middle Eastern competition.

Quiet Renegotiation: International pressure forces Ethiopia and Somalia into indirect talks, seeking a face-saving compromise that defuses the crisis.

None is guaranteed. What is certain is that the Horn has moved from the periphery of international attention in the region, to its centre.

In a world where global trade, great power rivalry and fragile states intersect, the contest over Somalia’s seas is no longer a local dispute. It is the latest reminder that in the Horn of Africa, geography is destiny. And that sovereignty is always under negotiation.

Abdi Guled is a Horn of Africa analyst and journalist with a focus on political risk, armed groups, and geostrategic competition in fragile states. Email: AGuled@hornbriefs.com

China’s Consecutive Five-Year Plans as Springboard for the Miracles of Economic Growth

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The People’s Republic of China was established in 1949. Following its establishment, Chairman Mao Zedong introduced various reforms and measures to transform the country from an agrarian economy into an industrialized one. One of the Communist Party of China’s major policy decisions was the introduction of a series of Five-Year Plans, designed to outline the nation’s strategic goals, development priorities, and policy orientations across multiple sectors.

Each Five-Year Plan has distinct focuses and directions. Since 1953, the ruling party has governed China through these systematically designed plans. The First Five-Year Plan (1953–1957), initiated under Chairman Mao, emphasized rapid industrialization and the collectivization of agriculture.

Currently, China is on the verge of the completion of its 14th Five-Year Plan (2021–2025) and preparing to launch the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026–2030). This new plan will set long-term national goals and serve as a roadmap for resource allocation, policy stability, and governance consistency. It will guide the country’s economic and social development in alignment with the Constitution of China.

According to Article 62(10) of the Constitution, the National People’s Congress (NPC) has the function of “reviewing and approving the plan for national economic and social development and the report on its implementation.” Successive Chinese leaders have maintained this planning system, which has been instrumental in transforming China into the world’s second-largest economy.

President Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, was the chief architect of both the 13th and 14th Five-Year Plans (2016–2020 and 2021–2025). The eradication of absolute poverty during these periods stands as a powerful testament to the effectiveness of this planning model. President Xi is now leading the formulation of the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026–2030), which will be built upon evaluations of the 14th Plan and will provide a clearer strategic direction for China’s continued journey toward comprehensively “building a modern Socialist country.”

The Five-Year Plan serves as an overarching blueprint for national development. The world closely observes each new plan, as China’s economic policies have far-reaching implications beyond its borders. As the world’s second-largest economy, China’s progress generates ripple effects that influence global growth and development. Hence, each Five-Year Plan is not only a national agenda but also a matter of global interest.

In my opinion, many countries suffer from policy inconsistency due to the absence of a structured, continuous and long-term national plan. When new leaders come to power, they often abandon their predecessors’ policies to introduce their own governance styles. In contrast, China’s experience demonstrates the value of continuity and consensus. The Five-Year Planning system ensures stability, institutional learning, and steady progress, enabling the government to address economic, political, technological, cultural, and social challenges more effectively.

The 15th Five-Year Plan will serve as the foundation for the forthcoming 16th Five-Year Plan, which aims to realize “Socialist modernization by 2035.” China’s modernization process is expected to extend beyond its borders through international partnerships, trade, technology transfer, investment, education, and cultural exchange. Historically, China’s inventions—such as paper, the compass, and printing—benefited the entire world. Similarly, the nation’s modernization efforts will not remain confined within its borders but will create shared opportunities for other countries.

Since 2010, China has been the world’s second-largest economy. In 2021, President Xi Jinping announced the complete eradication of absolute poverty, a milestone achieved nearly a decade ahead of the United Nations’ 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. By 2024, China’s per capita GDP reached USD 13,445, placing it among the upper-middle-income countries, and the nation entered the top ten of the Global Innovation Index. These achievements underscore the effectiveness of the government’s development plans in improving the people’s living standards.

There are different factors for the success of China in achieving remarkable economic development in short period of time. Some of the engines of economic growth are well-crafted consecutive national plans, strong leadership quality and commitments, a highly skilled work force, agricultural modernization , continuous reforms, people-centered development approach, massive investments, holistic opening-up policies and international trade, high-tech industries and innovations and the like.

More than 300 reform measures are being taken in China that will be completed during the 15th Five-Year Plan period to enhance socio-economic stability, unlock new growth potential, strengthen institutional capacity, and promote transparency and good governance. These reforms aim to make public administration more efficient, inclusive, and responsive to emerging challenges and opportunities.

In conclusion, China’s journey of economic transformation is deeply rooted in its system of consecutive Five-Year Plans, which have guided national development for the last seventy two years. Overseen by the National People’s Congress, these plans embody China’s strategic vision for sustainable growth and its role on the global stage.

China’s experience demonstrates that long-term, structured planning can yield extraordinary results. As the world watches China embark on its 15th Five-Year Plan, this model of consistent, strategic policymaking continues to serve as a springboard for the nation’s modernization and offers valuable lessons for other countries. By learning from China’s successes, nations can chart their own sustainable paths to development without constantly starting from scratch.

Melaku Mulualem K is Director General for Training Institute of Foreign Affairs. He can be reached via melakumulu@yahoo.com