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Sponsoring Conflict and Business Development

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The intersection of business and conflict is a growing focus in global development discourse. With over 1.5 billion people living in conflict-affected regions (World Bank, 2020), the private sector plays a crucial role not only in economic recovery but also in shaping political and social outcomes. “Sponsoring conflict” in this context extends beyond direct support for violence and includes economic activities that either intentionally or inadvertently fuel tensions, alter power dynamics, or benefit from instability.

While some firms enter these environments with peacebuilding intentions, others exploit the political vacuum, resource abundance, or institutional fragility for profit. This article examines these dualities and proposes a framework for ethical engagement in conflict-affected business environments.

The term sponsoring conflict typically refers to the direct or indirect facilitation of conditions that sustain, worsen, or capitalize on political, ethnic, or economic conflict. In business contexts, this may include: financing armed groups or authoritarian regimes; resource extraction that contributes to environmental degradation and social unrest; profiteering from reconstruction contracts that overlook local needs or exacerbate inequalities and providing technologies or services that reinforce surveillance or repression. These practices may be deliberate or emerge as byproducts of poor governance, limited oversight, or the absence of international accountability mechanisms.

From a strategic perspective, firms may be drawn to conflict environments for several reasons: access to untapped markets: Conflict often disrupts traditional supply chains, leaving space for new entrants. First-mover advantage: Early investment in post-conflict reconstruction can position firms favorably once stability returns. Natural resource exploitation: Regions with extractive wealth are often at the center of violent conflict but attract high-risk capital due to potential returns. Privatization of public services: In the absence of functioning states, private companies may fill critical infrastructure and service gaps, especially in security, logistics, and telecommunications.

However, these opportunities come with high political risk and reputational exposure. Companies operating in conflict situation are at heightened risk of complicity in human rights violations. Examples include the use of forced labor, displacement of communities, and environmental degradation with disproportionate effects on marginalized groups.

There is increasing scrutiny under international law regarding corporate complicity in conflict.  Even in the absence of legal consequences, companies face public backlash, divestment campaigns, and shareholder activism if perceived to be exploiting conflict for profit.

There are several Case Studies. Mineral extraction in the DRC, particularly coltan and cobalt, has been linked to armed militias and child labor. While international firms have benefited from the region’s mineral wealth, many have faced global condemnation and regulatory pressure due to their indirect sponsorship of violence.

Following the 2003 Iraq invasion, firms such as Blackwater (now Academi) and Halliburton profited from reconstruction and security contracts. Critics argue these firms profited from prolonged instability and operated with limited accountability, highlighting the dangers of privatizing security in war zones.

In contrast, Rwanda presents a model of private-sector-driven peacebuilding. Strategic partnerships between the government and international investors in technology and agriculture fostered inclusive development. However, critics note that suppression of political dissent complicates the narrative of ethical business engagement.

To balance development goals with ethical responsibility, the following principles should guide corporate engagement: Context-Specific Due Diligence: Businesses must conduct conflict-sensitive assessments to understand the local political economy and avoid exacerbating tensions. Stakeholder Inclusion: Engagement with local communities, civil society, and affected groups is essential to avoid extractive or exclusionary development models. Transparency and Accountability: Clear reporting mechanisms and third-party audits help mitigate corruption and reinforce legitimacy. Exit and Adaptation Strategies: Companies must be prepared to withdraw or revise operations if the situation deteriorates or violates core ethical principles.

To conclude, sponsoring conflict, whether intentional or inadvertent, carries profound implications for business legitimacy, ethical standing, and long-term sustainability. While conflict zones present unique opportunities for high-risk investment and business development, they also demand heightened responsibility, transparency, and accountability.

The future of ethical business in fragile contexts lies in aligning profit motives with peacebuilding principles. Firms that adopt conflict-sensitive strategies and adhere to international norms can become key partners in reconstruction, reconciliation, and resilient economic development.

A glimpse through Pretoria challenge

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The take away of the recent interview of the two leading negotiators of Pretoria agreement platform signals the pervasive tension between acknowledging the problem and not discussing the prominent issue fearing the consequences. It is obvious that the unspoken truth was the elephant in the room.

The decision not to dive on the contestable boundary issue fearing the fragile dynamic creates a dilemma or devils alternate on the unsolved shared challenge. This left the issue to be a serious home work for both parties. Just avoidance doesn’t eliminate the problem rather it appoints it as a permanent ghost or shadow that always follow the two units till it is solved.

At Pretoria, it may be right to shy away from it just for the sake of saving life by giving priority for cease-fire. But the issue was like a live wire and no one can pretend on the risk of its capacity to electrify everything to prevent truce. All the same, a glimpse through the Pretoria cracks indicate that the burden of unfinished work is for both units.

What possible late time advantage can be obtained shall be seen down the road. Yet, for better or worse, things will change. What future are we banking on by waiting is not predictable easily. The only choice is whether the two parties can shape that change or allow the change to shape the matter for the better in the future.

The agonizing tension between immediate survival and long-term resolution has kept the ceasefire agreement as both a lifeline and a potential illusion. Pretoria’s dilemma mirrors image of the agreement where the conflicting parties prioritize “stopping the bleeding” as urgent leaving the wound unstitched beneath the bandage. That’s what one can draw as per the reflection of the two leading negotiators in their recent interview.

Truce undoubtedly was a short-term but prominent gain. But that alone cannot justifies everything around. While avoidance the core matter might offer a sense of relief, providing a temporary escape from the discomfort or distress associated with a problem, it cannot serve as long safety card. Not addressing the “live wire,” in the ceasefire agreement left the ticking clock to run free till long-term solution is found against possible risk. Certainly, there is a need to stop grievances from festering around by all means.

Both Amhara and Tigrai people used to live in these contested area. But over the past 30 years, Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism system has shaped regional boundaries and governance along ethnic lines.  The restructuring of regional boundaries under the EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, dominated by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, TPLF, until 2018) allegedly favoured certain ethnic groups in administrative decisions, including land allocation and political representation.

This opened easy way for abusive political manoeuvre which changed the demography of the land for the last 30 years [U1] leveraging the regional ethnic right. This situation created deeply rooted complex historical and political dynamics in in these areas. There was a lot of grumble on the mal practice of the administration which ethnically dissect the society[U2]  to benefit only one group. No one can fake innocence on this issue as there is bold constitutional right given to support benefit to one group of society in the region. Areas like Welkait, Raya, and others areas at borders of two ethnicgroups are  flashpoints, where it is rather difficult to fairly dissect peole because they are ineremingled with marriage or blood line relations. One ethnic  groups cant claime these territories which were long united with history, cultue, religionyand other social ties. Pretoia challenge is  part of such ethnic fabric region but administratively annexed to Tigray under the TPLF-led government.

This system has often been criticized for exacerbating ethnic tensions, particularly in localities where demographic composition has been historically mixed or disputed. Thus just going for referendum at this tense condition may be challenging.

Hence the critic’s argument stating that it’s hard to take the Pretoria agreement as the end of the game to arrest any unlikely event in the coming time is valid. Though the agreement unquestionably froze violence, it cannot grant a permanent solution. On the other hand, training local mediators (women’s groups, veterans, clergy) to pursue reconciliation during the pause may help to bring lasting peace.

The, long overdue delays is not advised as it risks erosion of morale to focus on the matter. Less attention to the core matter or resource may introduce fatigue-driven undue compromise and this may harden hatred among blood related people of the area.

After all it is not the people who create the problem. But a few manipulators. If we help to create whole heartedly a situation to reunite separated or displaced people, the means to solve will not be hard and far for the people. Let’s allow people to people sympathetic understanding, communication and absolving culture reign to solve the problem.

Let’s leave aside the polarized tribal loyalties level of political interference. Let’s give the chance for the longstanding culture, religion, even the intermarriage bloodline intermingles of social ecosystems means or dialogue of the people solve the problem. Let’s keep the elite role limited only to play a vigilant part for law and order and security management just in case of disagreement over cultural means. Let security forces duty be limited as protectors of all people, not tools of one group

This is a call to bypass the manipulators and empower the natural bonds of community to heal itself. This approach should recognizes that the deepest solutions often lie in restoring human-scale connections rather than allowing battle with polarized tribal loyalties narratives. Leverage the ceasefire to insert peace building terms to allow joint humanitarian corridors with civilian oversight boards. This may help reunite displaced families, to revive shared cultural spaces. Manipulators should lose power till communities rediscover the need of their interdependence bond reestablishment.

Let officials help grassroots reconciliation prevail over top-down manipulation. local conflict-resolution traditions should be allowed to revive marginalizing external agitators. Identify the easiest cross-community reunifications. Let displaced farmers return to harvest together and amplify their success. It is better to train local mediators (women’s groups, veterans, clergy) to lead reconciliation during the pause. The approach need to focus in replacing zero-sum narratives with stories of shared survival and dignity.

Restore common markets, churches, mosques if any and establish joint security to build trust. Establish interfaith leaders to co-manage religious places as and when it is required. Help to establish or revive local conflict-resolution traditions. Empower village councils, not politicians. True healing begins when people reconnect on a human scale, transcending tribalized narratives. History judges ceasefires not by the signatures, but by what prevented frantic situation.

Thank you for reading this little piece.

The writer can be reached via gzachewwolde@gmail.com


More Good News for China-Africa RelationsBy ZHANG Wei

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On June 11, 2025, the Ministerial Meeting of Coordinators on the Implementation of the Follow-up Actions of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was held in Changsha, Hunan Province, China. Over 100 ministerial officials from FOCAC member countries, representatives from the African Union Commission, and diplomatic envoys of African countries to China attended the event. In his congratulatory letter sent to the meeting, Chinese President Xi Jinping elaborated the significance of China-Africa solidarity and cooperation, and announced the measures to further expand openness and cooperation with Africa, providing guidance for China and Africa to jointly advance modernization and build an all-weather China-Africa community with a shared future for the new era.
The ministerial meeting serves as a “refueling station” for the development of FOCAC. Since the FOCAC Beijing Summit held last September, China has made an additional investment of over RMB 13.3 billion, and provided funding of over RMB 150 billion to Africa. In the first five months of this year, China’s imports and exports with Africa reached RMB 963 billion, up by 12.4 percent year-on-year, hitting a record high for the same period of the year in history. At the ministerial meeting, the two sides issued the List of Outcomes of the Implementation of the Follow-up Action of the Beijing Summit of FOCAC, and the Concept Paper of 2026 China-Africa Year of People-to-People Exchanges, demonstrating the joint efforts of both sides to implement the outcomes of the FOCAC Beijing Summit, and providing new driving forces for deepening political mutual trust, advancing mutually beneficial cooperation and building closer bond between two peoples.
The ministerial meeting is an accelerator for the high-quality development of China-Africa cooperation. On FOCAC Beijing Summit last year, President Xi Jinping announced that China would give all the least developed countries having diplomatic relations with China, including 33 African countries, zero-tariff treatment for 100 percent tariff lines. In his congratulatory letter to this ministerial meeting, President Xi announced that China will implement measures of granting 53 African countries having diplomatic relations with China zero-tariff treatment for 100 percent tariff lines through negotiating agreements on economic partnership for shared development, and facilitate greater access for exports from least developed countries of Africa to China. The move makes China the first major developing country and the first major economy to take such a step. In its cooperation with Africa, China has always adhered to the principle of combining righteousness with shared interests, with righteousness as the priority. The greatest “righteousness” in China-Africa relations is to boost Africa’s growth with China’s development, and ultimately achieve mutual benefit, win-win results and common development.
The ministerial meeting will be a stabilizing force for the global landscape. The current international situation is marked by changes and turmoil. Disregarding international laws and trade rules, the United States abruptly cut aid to many countries including those in Africa, indiscriminately imposed tariffs worldwide, and released a proclamation imposing new travel restrictions affecting nationals from 10 African countries. Those bullying acts have created severe difficulties for the economic and social development and the improvement of livelihood in African countries. At the ministerial meeting, the China-Africa Changsha Declaration on Upholding Solidarity and Cooperation of the Global South was issued, which reiterated that China and Africa will continue to stand side by side with mutual understanding and support amid chaos and changes, jointly uphold true multilateralism and oppose all forms of unilateralism and protectionism, stabilize the uncertain world with the certainty and resilience of the China-Africa relationship.
The ministerial meeting reassured Africa of China’s responsibility as a major country. President Xi Jinping’s congratulatory letter sends a clear signal that China’s Africa policy is stable and will promote cooperative development. While the international order is facing grave challenges, China has been consistently marching forward with Africa as equal partners, making China-Africa cooperation a model of Global South cooperation. The weighty outcome list fullfills the commitments made on FOCAC Beijing Summit, demonstrating China’s credibility as a major country. The outcomes are vivid footnotes to the China-Africa community with a shared future, as well as powerful responses to unilateralism and protectionism. With its firm and efficient actions, China has proved that openness and cooperation go with the tide of history and that mutual benefit is a consensus shared by the international community. The U.S. tariff bludgeon and other acts of hegemony, bullying and coercion will never stop China and Africa from advancing together. On the contrary, they will only strengthen the friendship and tighten the cooperation.
The ministerial meeting made a road map for the development of China-Africa relationship. China and Africa, as the world’s largest developing country and the continent home to the largest number of developing countries, together form the backbone of the Global South. The more complex and turbulent the international landscape becomes, the more imperative it is for China and Africa to stand firmly shoulder by shoulder and actively steer the course of the times. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi put forward a five-point proposal to promote high-quality development of China-Africa cooperation, i.e., upholding mutual assistance and serving as defenders of solidarity among Global South countries, upholding openness and serving as advocates for international free trade, upholding mutual benefit and win-win results and serving as partners in global development cooperation, upholding fairness and justice and serving as defenders of an equitable international order, upholding exchanges and mutual learning and serving as promoters of the diversity of world civilizations.
Looking ahead, no matter how the international situation evolves or China develops, China will unswervingly prioritize strengthening solidarity and cooperation with African countries in its diplomacy, and remain the most sincere friend and the most reliable partner of African countries. China and Africa, standing united in the century of great transformation, will open up even brighter prospects for global peace and development, and make bigger contributions to building a community with a shared future for mankind.
ZHANG Wei is Charge d’Affaires a.i. of the Mission of China to the African Union

Unveiling Ethiopia’s Rich History: A New Literary Journey

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A groundbreaking new book, The Book of Ethiopia, authored by Yves-Marie Stranger, offers a unique lens into the country’s rich tapestry of history through 33 biographical vignettes. Each vignette corresponds to one of the 33 symbols of the Abyssinian syllabary, or Abugida, creating an intricate narrative that intertwines fact and fiction.

The journey begins with Stranger receiving an outline of Pêro da Covilhã’s Ethiopian Hornbook, a historical document that contains memoirs of the Portuguese explorer. This long-lost account, preserved for five centuries, is attributed to Covilhã’s last descendant, the enigmatic Ras Petros. The Hornbook serves as a primer for learning the Ethiopian syllabary, illustrating the depth of cultural exchange between Ethiopia and Europe.

Stranger’s work is not merely a historical recount; it is a fusion of historical fiction and magical realism. In his prose, he breathes life into pivotal figures in Ethiopian history, including Victor Lazlo, King Théodore, and the poet Rimbaud. The narratives explore their lives against the backdrop of significant events, showcasing how personal histories reflect the broader strokes of national identity.

The book delves into various themes, including the fluidity of cultural identity. In the prologue, distinguished scholar Manuel de Guèze poses provocative questions about the essence of being Ethiopian. He suggests that national identities are constantly reshaped, much like a knife whose handle and blade are refashioned over time. This perspective encourages readers to reflect on how historical narratives are constructed and how they inform present identities.

One of the compelling stories featured is that of Ewastewos, a young boy who learns to read under the fig tree, surrounded by the buzzing of bees and the chanting of his teachers. His tale illustrates the importance of education and cultural transmission in Ethiopian society. This narrative, along with others in the book, emphasizes the resilience of Ethiopian culture and the enduring legacy of its historical figures.

Stranger’s exploration extends to various regions and social strata within Ethiopia, from the royal courts to humble villages. The life of Queen Mentewab, for instance, is a poignant reminder of the struggles and triumphs faced by women throughout history. Captured as a prize of war, she navigates her new life with grace, embodying the complexities of power dynamics within the region.

The book also sheds light on the contributions of lesser-known figures, such as artists and philosophers. For example, the life of Zara Yacob provides insight into Ethiopia’s philosophical traditions, showcasing the intellectual richness that has often been overshadowed by political narratives.

The Book of Ethiopia is not just a collection of stories; it is a chronicle of the last five hundred years of Ethiopian history, meticulously documented through the lens of its emblematic characters. Stranger’s narrative style, combined with his deep research, offers readers both an educational experience and a captivating literary adventure.

Supported by the Embassy of Portugal in Ethiopia and the Camões Institute, this book promises to be a significant contribution to Ethiopian literature. It invites readers to engage with the past and consider how those narratives shape contemporary life.

As Ethiopia continues to evolve on the global stage, The Book of Ethiopia serves as a reminder of the country’s rich heritage and the stories that have shaped its identity. Yves-Marie Stranger’s work is a call to explore, understand, and celebrate the multifaceted history of this remarkable nation.