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Resisting the new aristocracy

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Over the past four decades, Ethiopia has witnessed a profound transformation in its economic landscape, driven by market-oriented policies. However, this shift has led to a society where the traditional link between hard work and wealth has become increasingly tenuous. Instead, a new aristocracy has emerged, built on unearned income and rent-seeking activities, rather than productive labor. This phenomenon is not unique to Ethiopia but reflects broader global trends where wealth often accrues to those with access to power and resources, rather than those who contribute through hard work.

Ethiopia’s modern sector has leapfrogged the traditional phase of capitalist development, where wealth is generated through productive work. Instead, it has created a rentier system, where land, capital, and even labor are controlled by those in power. The federal model and market-oriented policies have effectively abrogated the land proclamation of the 1970s, allowing regional states to allocate land, which has become a major source of wealth for the politically connected. This has led to the emergence of a landed aristocracy, where those with influence reap the benefits, while the broader population is left behind.

The allocation of land is often guided by political considerations rather than economic viability or social equity. Formal guidelines for equitable distribution exist, but in practice, those connected to the power structure are disproportionately favored. This has resulted in a system where wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few, while the majority struggle to access basic resources.

The allocation of credit by administrative officials without regard for economic balance has resulted in a banking system burdened with uncollectable debts. Malinvestments in manufacturing, commercial farming, real estate, and export businesses have accumulated, threatening the stability of the economy. The lack of critical thinking in policy-making has allowed these imbalances to persist, enriching a few at the expense of many. When the economic reckoning comes, it will likely be the general population that bears the brunt, not those who have profited from these practices.

The economic policies of the past decades have been characterized by unrealistic expectations and inefficient resource allocation. Projects that were supposed to drive growth have often ended in failure, leaving behind a trail of debt and unfulfilled promises. The absence of robust oversight and accountability has allowed corruption to flourish, further exacerbating economic woes.

Beyond the economic figures, there is a human cost to these policies. Many Ethiopians have seen their livelihoods disrupted as they are displaced from their homes or forced to sell their assets to make way for large-scale projects. The promise of economic development has often been used to justify policies that benefit the elite at the expense of the poor. This has led to widespread disillusionment and frustration among the population.

The current system has also stifled innovation and entrepreneurship. In a rentier economy, success is often determined by political connections rather than business acumen or hard work. This discourages genuine entrepreneurship and innovation, as individuals are more likely to seek wealth through political influence than through creating value.

The current system is unsustainable and has eroded trust in the political leadership. The ruling party must acknowledge its mistakes and reform its policies to dismantle the rentier system. An effective nationwide integrity system involving public participation is essential to prevent corruption and ensure that economic policies serve the broader population, not just the elite. It is crucial to engage capable thinkers in policy-making, rather than relying on outdated ideologies that have failed to deliver meaningful change.

Reform should focus on creating a more inclusive economy where opportunities are available to all, regardless of political connections. This involves strengthening institutions, improving transparency, and ensuring that economic policies are grounded in evidence and critical analysis. By doing so, Ethiopia can unlock its full potential and ensure that its economic growth benefits all citizens, not just a privileged few.

Implementing these reforms will not be easy. The entrenched interests of the new aristocracy will resist any attempts to dismantle the system that has enriched them. However, the alternative is a continued slide into economic instability and social unrest. The ruling party must choose between maintaining the status quo and risking further erosion of legitimacy or embarking on a path of reform that could restore trust and stability.

The international community also has a role to play. By supporting reforms that promote transparency and accountability, international partners can help Ethiopia transition towards a more equitable and sustainable economic model. This could involve providing technical assistance, supporting civil society organizations, and advocating for policies that benefit the broader population.

A conversation with ousted TPLF leader Getachew Reda on war, politics, and the fate of Tigray

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In this exclusive interview, recently-ousted Tigray Interim President Getachew Reda discusses the events that led to his removal, the internal power struggles within the TPLF, and his beliefs about the future of Tigray, Ethiopia and the region.

Tigray is a mountainous region in northern Ethiopia, holding deep historical, cultural, economic and geopolitical significance.

The ‘birthplace of the ancient Aksumite civilization,’ according to National Geographic, this region is home to archaeological wonders like the towering obelisks of Aksum and the Church of St. Mary of Zion—reputedly the resting place of the Ark of the Covenant.

Just northeast lies Adwa, the historic battlefield where Ethiopia’s forces triumphed over Italian colonial troops in 1896.

As the northernmost regional state in Ethiopia, the area is highly strategic,  bordering both Eritrea and Sudan, making it a key player in the Horn of Africa’s complex geopolitical landscape.

The region is also a potential economic powerhouse thanks to its mineral wealth. Omna Tigray, a global advocacy group, reports that Tigray once supplied up to 2,600 kg of gold annually to Ethiopia’s central bank, generating over US$100 million in export revenue. Beyond gold, its rich deposits of gemstones, copper, granite, and petroleum shales signal immense untapped potential.

However, the scars of a 2020–2022 civil war remain raw. The conflict between Tigrayan forces, Ethiopia’s federal government, and Eritrean troops claimed an estimated 600,000 lives, displaced millions, and left a trail of human rights atrocities, according to Human Rights Watch.

The Pretoria Agreement, signed in late 2022, was meant to end the bloodshed and pave the way for reconstruction and stability. However, internal divisions within the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) have fueled a new crisis.

In March 2025, those divisions saw the surprise ousting of Tigray’s interim regional administrator, Getachew Reda, exposing deep fractures within the party and raising fears of renewed conflict.

The “coup” in the TPLF has not only left Tigray politically unstable but also strained relations with Ethiopia’s federal government.

Getachew, however, insists that he is still technically in charge—continuing to sign official documents and oversee administrative affairs from abroad. He also plans to return to Ethiopia shortly but has expressed deep concerns for his personal safety in Tigray.

bird story agency contributor Jim Stenman caught up with Getachew Reda in Dubai, where he has been receiving medical treatment. In this exclusive interview, the politician discusses the events that led to his removal, the internal power struggles within the TPLF, and why he believes succession remains a pressing issue.

Q: How are you coming to terms with what’s transpired in recent weeks?

Getachew: The past two years have been a rollercoaster. My hope was that the Pretoria Agreement (Ethiopia–Tigray peace accord) would help put the past to rest and focus on rehabilitation, reconstruction, and the return of displaced people, in line with the peace treaty.

It was meant to restore social services like education and healthcare as the destruction from the civil war has been immense. Unfortunately, much time has been wasted on infighting within the TPLF leadership.

It’s tragic because my party is responsible for the continued suffering of the Tigrayan people.

Q: When did you realise your time as President of Tigray was over?

Getachew:  From the start, I knew collaboration would be tough, if not impossible. As an outlier among the five party leaders, I wasn’t part of the armed struggle tradition. I hoped my colleagues would accept that TPLF could no longer monopolise power.

Instead, they sabotaged both the Pretoria Agreement and Tigray’s interim administration. Eight or nine months in, it was clear they were focused solely on consolidating their control, sidelining anyone who questioned them.

They branded me a sellout for working with the federal government, which was part of my role as interim leader under Ethiopia’s constitution. Ironically, the same individuals accusing me of being too soft on Addis Ababa were secretly engaging with the federal government. The real issue was that I refused to take orders from them. I was open to alternative voices, willing to take responsibility, and push for a new political reality, but they clung to the old ways.

Q: Do you blame your downfall on the failure to fully implement the Pretoria Agreement?

Getachew: It’s more than that. Some within the TPLF leadership were never comfortable with signing the peace deal, which made it impossible to work together and move the implementation forward.

A significant part of the senior leadership — those in charge during the war — felt Pretoria stripped the TPLF of its monopoly on power. Despite the devastation of the war — including the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives, mostly women and children — some in the leadership were more concerned with maintaining their grip on power than securing Tigray’s future.

The divide was between those who saw Pretoria as a necessary step to protect the people of Tigray and those who viewed it as a betrayal.

The faction that ousted you claimed you prioritized the interests of the federal government over that of ordinary Tigrayans. How do you respond to that?

It’s hypocrisy. TPLF leaders like party chairman Debretsion Gebremichael met the Prime Minister as often as I did — yet they accuse me of doing the federal government’s bidding. That speaks volumes about their integrity.

Q: Is the regional leadership your rivals seek truly compatible with a strong federal government?

Getachew: I was part of the TPLF leadership when it was in the federal government from 1991 to 2019, though I joined late. TPLF’s belief in a strong federal government was always tied to its own dominance in Addis Ababa.

As long as they controlled the center, they could dictate to the regions. But once they lost that grip, they found themselves facing the same struggles others had when TPLF was in power. Many in the leadership still operate under the illusion that they control Addis Ababa. They’re out of touch with reality. If things continue this way, even a secessionist movement shouldn’t be ruled out.

Q: Are you in favor of such an approach and what should be the priority now?

Getachew: If push comes to shove, secession is an option that can’t be dismissed. But I’m also a realist. Just because I want something for Tigray doesn’t mean it will happen.

The return of internally displaced people. The faction that ousted me hasn’t even called for elections or addressed (how) displacement should be prioritized. Otherwise, their focus is purely on regaining power, not on the well-being of the people.

Q: You’ve accused your rivals of colluding with Eritrea. What evidence do you have?

Getachew: Eritrea is manipulating them. I was the one who initiated talks with Eritrea in the early days of the interim administration — not to appease them, but to protect Tigray from being used as a pawn in regional conflicts.

Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki was alarmed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s rhetoric about access to the Red Sea. He assumed Abiy wasn’t pushing for disarmament in Tigray because he wanted to use Tigrayan forces against Eritrea.

I had to reassure Eritrea that we wouldn’t be anyone’s tool. But Eritrea also had its own agenda — using disgruntled TPLF elements to undermine the Ethiopian government. That’s unacceptable.

Q: How do you view the nature of Ethiopia’s relationship with Eritrea today?

Getachew: Even in 2018, when normalization was announced, I doubted it would last. Isaias saw Abiy as an ambitious but easily influenced leader he could manipulate, while Abiy believed close ties with Eritrea served his own goals.

But given Isaias’s track record, it was only a matter of time before things unraveled. Some say Isaias has always sought to dismantle TPLF. Whether or not that’s true, there’s little love lost between Addis Ababa and Asmara these days.

Q: The Pretoria Agreement didn’t include Eritrea as a signatory, and its troops, which fought in support of Ethiopia’s federal government, never fully left Tigray. Did that doom the deal from the start?

Getachew: The Ethiopian government bears responsibility for that. Pretoria required non-Ethiopian forces to leave, but enforcing that was the federal government’s job, not mine. Eritrean presence was always the elephant in the room.

Q: How do you read Eritrea’s possible deal with Saudi Arabia for investments in the Port of Assab on the Red Sea, which Ethiopia is trying to gain access to?

Getachew: I’m not privy to the details, but it follows a familiar pattern. In this region, when facing a potential threat, leaders look to the other side of the Red Sea for support. Isaias is likely trying to pull the Saudis into his geopolitical game. Others in the Gulf might follow suit.

Q: Finally, what’s your biggest hope for Tigray’s future?

Getachew: The best-case scenario is for whoever leads next to work closely with the federal government, implement the Pretoria Agreement, return displaced people, and hold elections. That’s the only true path to a legitimate regional government.

The TPLF’s old leadership — those responsible for the current crisis— need to accept that their time is over. The same thinking that led us here won’t solve Tigray’s problems. The future should be shaped by the younger generation — those who fought because they believed in Tigray’s survival.

Young leaders in their 20s and 30s deserve the chance to chart a new course. It’s time to let go of the past. Tigray’s future shouldn’t be dictated by those who led it into disaster.

New report highlights safety concerns for journalists in Ethiopia

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A new report by the International Media Support (IMS) has revealed alarming safety concerns for journalists in Ethiopia, highlighting a significant rise in threats, harassment, and attacks against media professionals in 2024. The report, part of the IMS Knowledge for Peace (K4P) series, underscores the precarious environment for journalists operating in conflict zones and politically sensitive regions. 

The assessment documented a wide range of safety risks faced by journalists, including arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, physical and psychological harassment, and digital surveillance. In 2024 alone, 43 journalists were arrested, with three cases of enforced disappearances reported—two of whom remain missing. 

Conflict-prone regions such as Amhara, Oromia, and Benishangul Gumuz emerged as hotspots for journalist safety violations. In these areas, journalists were frequently targeted by both government forces and insurgent groups. The report noted that government authorities often cited “national security” as a justification for detaining journalists, while insurgents accused them of bias or demanded ransom payments. 

“Journalists are caught between government crackdowns and armed group intimidation,” the report stated. “This dual threat has forced many to self-censor or avoid reporting on critical issues altogether.” 

Female journalists in Ethiopia face additional layers of risk, including gender-based violence and discrimination. The Ethiopian Media Women Association (EMWA) has been actively organizing roundtable discussions to address these challenges and advocate for equal opportunities for women in the media sector. 

The report also highlighted concerns over proposed amendments to Ethiopia’s Media Proclamation No. 1238/2021. Media professionals fear that the changes could undermine press freedom and self-regulation while increasing government control over journalistic activities. 

Despite these challenges, there have been some positive developments. The Ethiopian Mass Media Professionals Association (EMMPA) has issued public statements demanding justice for jailed journalists, while the Editors Guild of Ethiopia has launched a multilingual web portal to monitor press freedom violations. Additionally, the Coalition for Safety of Journalists (CSoJ), legally registered in 2024, has become a key advocate for journalist safety and media independence in Ethiopia. 

The IMS report calls on the Ethiopian government to end arbitrary arrests and intimidation of journalists and ensure accountability for crimes against media professionals by conducting impartial investigations, among others. 

It also urges warring parties to respect international humanitarian law and protect journalists operating in conflict zones. 

Literacy skills at a concerning level in primary schools 

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A recent study conducted in elementary schools across Ethiopia has revealed a concerning level of literacy skills among students. The study, which assessed 5,840 students from 292 schools in 11 languages, found that 48% of students struggled to distinguish letters, words, and sounds properly. This issue was particularly pronounced in tasks such as first sound variation and letter recognition.

The study highlighted significant weaknesses in specific areas, including name spelling and sound differences. Performance varied between urban and rural children, with urban students generally performing better in all subtasks except language expression. Additionally, differences were observed between language groups, with children from the Afar Oral and Benishangul language groups performing the lowest, while Amharic-speaking children recorded the highest performance.

Despite these challenges, the study noted an improvement in early reading and writing skills compared to previous years. This suggests that ongoing efforts to enhance early childhood education are yielding positive results.

In the Oromia region, there has been a shortage of qualified teachers, leading to concerns about literacy skills among educators themselves. A recent conference highlighted the need for teachers to receive literacy skills training to address this issue. The study also found that many teachers rely on repetitive teaching strategies and require additional training in curriculum use, classroom management, and early reading and writing skills instruction.

The study identified several factors that negatively impact children’s learning outcomes, including low parental involvement, lack of school resources (especially textbooks), inadequate school feeding programs, and water and sanitation issues. Conversely, factors that enhance learning outcomes include teacher motivation, availability of curriculum and teacher guidance, use of lesson plans, participation in professional development, children’s social and emotional competence, and family education standards and living conditions.

To address these challenges, the study recommends providing special support to rural children and underprivileged areas, offering comprehensive professional development training to teachers, improving school resources, strengthening school feeding programs, and increasing community engagement. Investing in early childhood education is critical for preparing children for elementary education and contributing to long-term workforce development.

Ethiopia Reads, a 22-year-old organization, has been instrumental in promoting literacy through its reading services, reaching over 1.5 million students and children. It has worked with the government and other partners to establish libraries in more than 70 primary schools across the country. Ethiopia Reads recently held a conference with the Ministry of Education and other stakeholders to discuss children’s reading development and address teacher shortages.

The findings of this study underscore the need for collaborative efforts to improve literacy skills in Ethiopian primary schools. While progress has been made, significant disparities remain, particularly between urban and rural areas. By focusing on specific areas of improvement and addressing these disparities, Ethiopia can enhance its education system and better prepare its future workforce.

Equipping its young population with foundational literacy skills will be crucial for achieving its economic goals. The government and organizations like Ethiopia Reads must work together to address the challenges in reading and writing skills, ensuring that all children have the opportunity to succeed in school and beyond.