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Silencing the guns in Africa by 2020

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African Union’s 2020 campaign to achieve peace and end conflict, extremism, crime

Realising a conflict-free Africa is the dream of every African. In this edition, we highlight the current hotspots; the root causes of conflicts; the various efforts in search of peaceful co-existence and development and the African Union’s quest for silencing the guns by 2020.
In 2013 African Union (AU) member state representatives gathered at its headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, where the Organisation of African Unity was established in 1963, to celebrate the body’s 50th anniversary.
Amid the pomp and ceremony, the leaders sat down to reflect and tackle the tough questions: What progress have we made towards the achieving of the objectives set by the AU and looking forward, what is our proposed vision for Africa for the next 50 years? Furthermore, what is the biggest challenge to realizing the aspirations of our people?
Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, then African Union Commission chairperson, had visited various countries collecting views from governments, civil society and the diaspora, on what they felt was the most pressing issue facing Africa, one the AU should deal with.
Most agreed that conflict remains one of the biggest challenges facing Africa. The AU also sees conflict as one of the biggest impediments to the implementation of Agenda 2063. Of course, there were other challenges facing the continent, including poverty, inequality, unemployment, climate change, illegal financial flows, corruption, etc, yet conflict tops the list.
“Before leaving Addis Ababa, the AU leaders resolved not to pass the burden of conflict to future generations, so they adopted “Silencing the Guns in Africa by 2020” as one of the flagship projects of the wider developmental blueprint Agenda 2063,” Ms. Aïssatou Hayatou, the AU “Silencing the Guns” operations manager, told Africa Renewal.
She added: “The objective was to achieve peace to allow for development across Africa.”
The initiative was intended to achieve a conflict-free Africa, prevent genocide, make peace a reality for all and rid the continent of wars, violent conflicts, human rights violations, and humanitarian disasters. The leaders hoped to have all the guns silenced by 2020.
Since 2014, Africa has made progress in the quest for peace and security, mostly by strengthening continental response frameworks and institutions, as well as by working with the UN and other organisations on the ground. These initiatives have borne fruit.
Over the past two decades, the guns have been silenced in previous hotspots such as Angola, Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia and Sierra Leone. Significant strides have been made in difficult cases such as Somalia and Sudan, according to the Addis Ababa-based Institute for Security Studies (ISS), and peace-building initiatives on the continent have also helped quell many potential flare-ups.
However, fighting is still observable in Libya, South Sudan, the Central African Republic (CAR), the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Lake Chad Basin, which includes Chad and parts of Nigeria, Niger and Cameroon. Violent extremism in the Sahel and parts of the Horn and eastern Africa is also a challenge.
There are also threats from terrorism and transnational crime on the continent. Communal conflicts between herders and farmers over water and pasture; violent urban crime and cultural practices such as cattle rustling, are also of concern because firearms have become the weapons of choice, replacing traditional and less deadly weapons.
A 2017 study by Oxfam, The Human Cost of Uncontrolled Arms in Africa, estimates that at least 500,000 people die every year and millions of others are displaced or abused as a result of armed violence and conflict.
Who has the guns in Africa?
80% of all small arms in Africa are in the hands of civilians, according to the Small Arms Survey (SAS), an independent Geneva-based research centre which generates evidence-based, impartial, and policy-relevant knowledge and analysis on small arms and armed violence issues for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and civil society.
Civilians, including rebel groups and militias, hold more than 40 million small arms and light weapons, while government-related entities hold fewer than 11 million, according to the 2019 SAS and African Union study, Weapons Compass: Mapping Illicit Small Arms Flows in Africa.
Where do the guns come from?
Most of the weapons in Africa are imported. Official military expenditure in Africa stood at around $40.2 billion in 2018, with North Africa spending $22.2 billion and sub-Saharan Africa $18.8 billion, according to the ISS.
The top arms suppliers to Africa between 2014 and 2018 were Russia, China, Ukraine, Germany and France, and the largest recipients were Egypt, Algeria and Morocco, according to a study by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. The SIPRI Arms Transfers Database provides information on all international transfers of major arms (including sales, gifts and production under license) to states, international organizations and non-state groups.
Twenty-two African countries also manufacture various kinds of small arms and light weapons. Homemade artisanal weapons production is also prevalent on the continent, with those weapons reported to be fueling criminality in some countries.
While African countries can control the purchase of legal arms, it is difficult to track the illegal trafficking and flows on the continent. Porous borders and long coastlines also enable traffickers to smuggle small arms between countries. There are also concerns about how well national arms stocks are managed to ensure that the weapons do not end up in the wrong hands.
Which guns?
“Guns are the most popular weapon on the continent. They cause more deaths than bombs, grenades or mines. The AK-47 remains the most dangerous killing tool in Africa currently,” says Ms. Hayatou, adding that a sizable chunk of the legally imported weapons in Africa are diverted illegally due to corruption.
Oftentimes government stocks are raided, or military troops or police officers are killed for their weapons. Of concern too are the substantial number of weapons coming out of Libya that were previously owned by the Muammar Gaddafi regime and that have now ended up in the Sahel. Many of these weapons are in the hands of separatist rebels in northern Mali.
Moving forward
To accelerate action, the AU is launching in early 2020 a continent-wide campaign on “Silencing the Guns” to mobilise all stakeholders to prioritize efforts on peace and effective socio-economic development. Challenges that lead people to violent conflicts, including poverty, historical injustices, inequality, unemployment, climate change, illegal financial flows, and corruption should be addressed too for the guns to be silenced.

Song contest on

“New tunes on the risks of irregular migration”
held at the Italian Cultural Institute

The song entitled “Sidet Lemn” by Dawit Nigatu Demissie, Nuru Umer Adem and Tesfaye Mamo Wendimagegnehu has won the song contest entitled “New tunes on the risks of irregular migration” and was awarded the 1st prize by the Ambassador of Italy in Ethiopia, Arturo Luzzi, during an event which was held on January 30 at the Italian Cultural Institute in Addis Ababa and was attended by 300 guests from the Government authorities, diplomatic community, international agencies, celebrities and general public.
The song entitled “Sidet Lemn” has been selected from a grand jury of artists, from which also the internationally renowned father of Ethio-Jazz, Mulatu Astatke.
The event has been organized by the Embassy of Italy in Addis Ababa in the framework of the “Stemming Irregular Migration in Northern and Central Ethiopia- SINCE” Programme, funded by the European Union.
The following artists have competed in the song contest by presenting new tunes: Samuel Negash Teferi, Meaza G/Meskel Feleke, Gizachew Mulatu Ayele with “Akaki Zeraf” and “Lemn Enseded”, Belete Shewakena Ergete, Solomon Tefera Gule and Tsige Tefera W/Giorgis with “Bekan Bekan”; Tarekegn Haile W/Giorgis, Dawit Midegsa Werji and Kalkidan H/Silasie G/Hiwot and Anley Legesse Korcha with “Kibur New”; Yoseph Bekele Gutema with “Sidet Kifu”; Haftom Abrha and Mikiyas Andualem with “Sidet Lemn”; Ademe Wale Tefera, Workineh Moges Demeke and Ashenafi Shiferaw Haile with “Sidet Yibka”; Melkam Admasu with “Weha Kedagna”.
The Embassy of Italy in Addis Ababa will also produce a professional video clip of the winner song “Sidet Lemn” by including, in the lyrics, all the major languages of Ethiopia.

Bridging Cultures

Girma Yifrashewa’s “Bridging Cultures” concert was held on January 30 at Skylight Hotel with over a thousand people in attendance. The concert will soon air on Arts TV, which was also one of the sponsors of the event. Ambassador Mike remarked, “What makes Girma such a compelling artist is not only that he’s a virtuoso pianist, but that he puts his virtuosity to the service of blending classical and Ethiopian music, and to building bridges between people through shared and transcendent musical experiences.”
Girma performed some of the pieces from his new album “The Banjo,” that are based on the works of the 19th century American pianist Louis Moreau Gottschalk, which was produced with support from the U.S. Embassy.

Africa’s regional integration will benefit all

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AUDA-NEPAD was created in Niamey, Niger, in July 2019, during the African Union summit. Its creation was one result of the AU reforms championed by Rwanda’s president, Paul Kagame, former chairperson of the AU. In an interview with Africa Renewal’s Kingsley Ighobor in New York Dr. Mayaki spoke on AUDA’s role in Africa’s development agenda and discussed regional integration and his agency’s plan to create a million jobs. Ibrahim Mayaki, chief executive officer of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), which is currently transforming into the African Union Development Agency (AUDA)-the implementing arm of the AU. Excerpts:

Africa Renewal: What are the main differences between AUDA and NEPAD?

Ibrahim Mayaki: AUDA has a broader mandate. It is expected to address implementation challenges regarding decisions made by the African Union.
For example, we are now the African Union’s technical focal point with development partners such as China, India, the United States, the G20, the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD). This is very important in order to track implementation of agreements reached with these partners.
AUDA will also focus on resource mobilisation and the connections between sectors to avoid a siloed approach, which as you know is a key aspect of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). For example, when we deliver in agriculture, we also look at water, energy, land, etc.
There is now a division of labour between the AU Commission, the Regional Economic Communities and AUDA in implementing the AU’s strategic frameworks at the national and regional levels.

Africa Renewal: You have reiterated that regional bodies play a bigger role in Africa’s development. Are there often tensions between regional institutions and national governments?

Mayaki: Your question is fundamental because regional integration will only progress if national governments-which manage regional bodies-implement regional decisions.
We see national governments push for regional development strategies. In the Southern African Development Community (SADC) for example, agriculture ministers meet regularly to discuss agricultural transformation in their region. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) meets regularly on a common strategy on energy.
The problem is how regional decisions essentially derived from continental frameworks are implemented country by country. That’s where our role becomes important. We need to make sure that there is coherence between regional strategies and national plans.

Africa Renewal:Africa’s new free trade area, for example, is a continental initiative. Until June this year, Nigeria and Benin were holding out. How do you ensure that national governments implement AU projects?

Mayaki: One of the critical factors of success in regional integration is having everybody on board. If the consensus is strong-and that takes time to build-we can have strong agreements and start thinking about an implementation roadmap. The more buy-in you have in the design of a project, the less resistance you have during implementation.
Also, our budget is approved by AU member states. These programmes reflect member states’ priorities because it is their money, so, for example, if we have a programme in renewable energy in East Africa, it must be a priority in that region.

Africa Renewal:Given AUDA-NEPAD’s new development focus, what hopes do you have for regional integration on the continent?

Mayaki: The AU has really made great strides, particularly in the continental free trade area. It took time to be designed and to get everybody on board. We know the technical skills we need, and there is political determination to implement the agreement.
In the current global uncertainty, we need to increase trading within our regional markets; otherwise we won’t tackle our development challenges. Implementation will not be easy because of the high-levels of financing needed as well as the need to harmonize policies between states, but we are on the right path.

Africa Renewal: You have also advocated for a bottom-up approach to development. Doesn’t that contradict the objectives of the regional frameworks, which are top-down?

Mayaki: No, it cannot be top-down, because none of the frameworks will work if you do not empower the local communities.
For example, you know that access to electricity in Africa is very low-more than 60% of our rural population has no access to electricity. But agricultural productivity will not increase if the energy issue is not addressed. The best way to solve the energy problem is to have decentralized energy services at the local community level, managed by local communities. This is what I call bottom-up. You can have the big strategy, but in terms of implementation, in terms of innovation, it must come from the bottom.

Africa Renewal: “Colonialism was a system of illicit financial flows,” you said recently at an event at the UN headquarters. What do you mean by that?

Mayaki: Look at our infrastructure in pre-independence Africa, and even before. If it was a road, it was one linking a mine to a port. So, all the infrastructure projects, except in countries and places where colonizers were thinking of settling in a definitive manner, all other infrastructure projects were geared toward extraction, extraction, extraction! Extraction of minerals, extraction of agricultural produce, and so on.

Africa Renewal: The infrastructure of the colonial period still stands in most of Africa, albeit modernised. What should be done about that?

Mayaki: That’s why we created the Programme for Infrastructure Development in Africa (PIDA). It reverses that trend of extractive-based infrastructure by focusing on regional projects and transport corridors that ease movement and spur development. That way we boost intra-Africa trade.

Africa Renewal:You have announced a plan to create 1 million jobs. How will you achieve that?
Mayaki: The African Union member states wanted to be very concrete regarding the creation of a decent jobs agenda. They said we should have a quantifiable objective so that we are accountable. We said, “OK, let’s set a target of 1 million jobs over the next three years.” But as you know governments do not create jobs; the private sector creates jobs, and the private sector in Africa is dominated by small and medium enterprises (SMEs). The African Development Bank tells us that 60% of our SMEs have less than 20 employees and the other 40% have less than 10. So, if we assist 100,000 SMEs, we can achieve that agenda of 1 million jobs.

Africa Renewal: Doesn’t Africa need more than 1 million new jobs?

Mayaki: Yes. Every year we need to create 20 million jobs. For the next three years, Africa needs to create 60 million jobs, but we can only target 1 million jobs for now. However, we want to harness best practices regarding SME creation, incubation centres, protection of intellectual property, financing of SMEs by national development banks, conducive environment, incentives, and others. We want these best practices to be replicated in all countries.

Africa Renewal: Given the lopsided strengths of African economies-with SMEs concentrated in more economically advanced countries-it appears poorer countries will benefit the least from this programme.
Mayaki: We target least developed countries. The money we get from the African Union is rarely used for projects in Egypt, South Africa or Nigeria. The aim of regional integration is to uplift the least developed countries, and this is the beauty of the African Union. Regional integration is fundamentally based on solidarity, and we know that solidarity is not only moral. It has an economic dimension that benefits everyone.