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Political Polarization and Economic Uncertainity

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Uncertainty surrounding economic policy has been a topic of increasing importance over the past decades around the world. A multitude of events including wars, financial crises, and pandemics have pushed governments to respond in unprecedented ways, including large fiscal expansions, unconventional monetary policies, new regulations and a new legislative agenda.

At the same time, there has been a widening gap between political actors, parties, and coalitions. These gaps involve disagreement about broad economic policies, both in terms of the objectives of policy but also the means to attain them in response to any given crisis. As a result, the policy regime in effect depends heavily on which party currently has control of government and elections have come to be of primary importance when projecting the path of future economic policy.

Scott Baker of Northwestern University stated that elections represent a key source of uncertainty that can affect the investment, spending, and hiring decisions of both firms and individual households. National elections represent one of the clearest signals about the future of a country’s economic policy over the following years. In the months leading up to an election, policies are generally proposed by candidates and expectations about who may win the election may evolve rapidly.

Scott Baker noted that particularly for elections that may hinge on just a few percent of the vote, an election may represent an important shock to the policy and investment environment. In recent years, examples of the both uncertain and consequential nature of elections abound. For instance, consider recent elections such as those in Australia in which Tony Abbott was elected as Prime Minister in 2014, Narendra Modi elected as Prime Minister of India in 2014, Donald Trump elected as President of the United States in 2016, Jair Bolsonaro elected as President of Brazil in 2018, and Boris Johnson elected as Prime Minister of  United Kingdom in 2019.

In each of these elections, competing candidates offered starkly different policy proposals, and the change in leadership led to marked changes in economic policies. Many of the results of these elections were unforeseen even days before the election itself. However, elections are not always so dramatic or consequential. In the United States, voters did not see the two primary parties as especially far apart in the 1960s and 1970s. In contemporary Germany and Austria, voters do not see the policy proposals of mainstream parties of right and left as substantially different, and in fact, these parties routinely form “grand coalitions” with one another.

According to Aniket Baksy of Stanford University, voters’ perceptions of the parties in some Northern European democracies are becoming less polarized over time. Yet in the United States and several other democracies, voters have come to see the parties’ platforms as much further apart today than in the past, and they have grown quite hostile in their evaluations of the out-party. In the United States, Aniket Baksy noted a strong correspondence between the trend toward increasing polarization of Congressional voting behavior, increasingly polarized perceptions of the parties’ platforms, and a striking secular increase in policy uncertainty since the 1960s.

As voters and investors come to see the parties as further apart, uncertainty about the potential path of economic policy in the years ahead is magnified. Beyond long-run trends in uncertainty about economic policy, elections matter for driving short-term swings in uncertainty within an electoral cycle. The extent to which elections may drive more significant swings in economic policy means that firms are increasingly exposed to an ‘electoral business cycle’.

The classic political economy literature hypothesized that opportunistic incumbents would attempt to use fiscal and monetary policy to increase economic growth immediately before elections. However, this effect could easily be undone or reversed if policy uncertainty in the pre-election period leads to lower investment. Aniket Baksy Baker demonstrate that firms often adopt a ‘wait-and-see’ approach to dealing with uncertainty, ceasing investments and new hiring while they wait for uncertainty to resolve.

Steven Davis from Chicago Booth School of Business use OECD data since the 1970s to demonstrate that investments with high costs of reversal are delayed in the immediate pre-election period, especially when elections are close, and when the parties’ platforms are far apart. Steven Davis noted that economic policy uncertainty consistently rises in periods near elections. Across all countries, study finds increases of 13% relative to the months preceding or following the election period.

Focusing on more detailed data from the United States, study finds that this trend is not common to all elections. Many elections are associated with little change in uncertainty about economic policy. For instance, elections in which the electorate is not substantially polarized do not tend to produce as much uncertainty, suggesting that who is in charge is less impactful than how divergent economic policies might be in the case of a win. Moreover, elections that are not ‘close’ tend not to provoke substantial increases in uncertainty.

For these elections, expectations about economic policies from the winning party are likely already crystalized. Since polarization has steadily increased in recent years and presidential elections are more frequently close, election-related spikes in uncertainty have become an important feature of the country’s investment environment.

Autonomy to Ethiopian Universities

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Higher Education in Ethiopia and the Need for Benchmarking

Higher education in Ethiopia has experienced rapid growth following the downfall of the Derg regime in 1991. The government’s focus on education as a crucial driver of progress has resulted in a proliferation of universities and colleges. Nevertheless, this swift expansion has been accompanied by notable obstacles.

Ensuring high-quality education amidst quick enlargement is a primary issue. The discrepancy between the expertise offered by higher education institutions and the requirements of the labor market, alongside insufficient infrastructure, resources, and faculty, has impeded the efficacy of the sector. Tackling fairness in the accessibility of higher education, especially for students from underprivileged backgrounds, presents another significant challenge.

Financial limitations exacerbate these problems. Inadequate funding, ineffective resource distribution, and low per-student spending impact the standard of education and the capacity to draw and retain qualified staff. The absence of alternative funding streams worsens the financial difficulties confronting Ethiopian higher education establishments.

In addition to these systematic challenges, universities frequently face internal issues such as program redundancy, staff harassment, and administrative inefficiencies. These dilemmas are intensified by unethical behaviors, including corruption, which divert resources from primary educational goals.

It is crucial to compare Ethiopian universities with global leaders to address these diverse challenges effectively. Through this benchmarking process, policymakers and institutional leaders can pinpoint areas needing enhancement, enact successful reforms, and optimize resource distribution. Benchmarking will empower the sector to boost quality, pertinence, efficiency, and fairness, thereby contributing to Ethiopia’s socio-economic advancement.

Introduction

The establishment of autonomous universities in Ethiopia signifies a notable shift in policy direction aimed at empowering institutions of higher education. The enactment of Regulation No. 537/2023 by the Addis Ababa University establishment Council of Ministers exemplifies this reform, providing universities with significant financial and administrative independence to harmonize their activities with core mandates. Drawing inspiration from esteemed institutions such as Oxford and Harvard, Ethiopia has the potential to establish autonomous universities that emphasize academic freedom, strong governance, and financial self-sufficiency.

The Ethiopian Context

Ethiopia’s economic progress, notwithstanding challenges like poverty and limited educational access, creates a conducive environment for the advancement of higher education. Recognizing Ethiopia’s advancements, the UNDP and World Bank stress the importance of sustained endeavors to realize economic growth. Education, particularly through autonomous universities, can act as a catalyst for change by promoting innovation, research, and a skilled workforce.

The Potential of Autonomous Universities

Autonomous universities hold the promise of significantly improving the quality of higher education by customizing programs to meet economic needs, prioritizing research activities, and cultivating robust partnerships with industries. This strategy can bolster economic development by producing competent graduates, fostering technological advancements, and facilitating the transfer of knowledge.

Lessons from Global Leaders: Oxford and Harvard

Oxford and Harvard stand out as prime examples of autonomous universities, offering valuable lessons for Ethiopia in areas such as governance, financial independence, research emphasis, and community involvement. Key takeaways include the adoption of solid governance mechanisms and diverse funding streams akin to these renowned institutions, as well as a commitment to research excellence and community engagement.

Examining the financial structures of Harvard and Oxford yields crucial insights. Harvard University boasts a sophisticated organizational setup supported by various funding channels such as endowments, tuition fees, research grants, and philanthropic contributions. On the other hand, Oxford University operates with a collegiate framework that strikes a balance between autonomy and centralized governance, drawing income primarily from tuition fees, research grants, endowments, and collegiate funds.

Autonomous universities have the potential to significantly influence Ethiopia’s economy by producing skilled graduates, driving innovation, and creating employment opportunities. Studies indicate a strong link between higher education levels and economic advancement.

For autonomous universities to thrive, several challenges need to be tackled effectively, including securing ample funding from government sources, forging international alliances, and engaging the private sector. Additionally, efforts should focus on enhancing the administrative and academic capabilities of university personnel, establishing a conducive policy environment that supports academic freedom and financial autonomy, as well as fostering partnerships with communities and industries to address societal needs and align educational offerings with industry requirements.

In conclusion, the establishment of autonomous universities in Ethiopia represents a remarkable avenue for enhancing higher education standards and spurring economic progress. By drawing insights from global exemplars and addressing pertinent challenges, Ethiopia can develop institutions that drive innovation, produce skilled professionals, and contribute to a prosperous future.

Abebe Walle Menberu is Doctor of Business Leadership at Bahir Dar University. He can be reached via abebebdu@gmail.com

A Disgraced Honour of Citizenship

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The other day, a visibly distressed EBC anchorman was trying to get the Deputy Director of the now-infamous ICS (Immigration and Citizenship Services) the chance to redeem himself and his office at the primetime mid-day news bulletin.

Unfortunately, the more the Deputy Chief tried to do some damage control, the deeper he was burying the organization. Who would blame him? I mean, who would come across neat and suave trying to defend the indefensible?

1- Committed to uphold the highest standards of service quality?

So declares the portal of the ICS. It is a farce. It is a mockery; it is like adding insult to the injury. Three years ago, I needed to renew my passport and tried to learn the procedure. I was genuinely and positively impressed that almost half the job is done online through networking internet kiosks and the Bank. Wrong. The humiliating experience was saved for the drama behind the dungeon-like establishment located around Black Lion Hospital.

As a matter of standard procedure, one is subjected to unnecessary humiliation- both verbal and physical. You are herded like a flock of sheep with officers wielding batons, and they don’t hesitate to use it, particularly on the unfortunate peasant girls destined to Arabia from all corners of the country.

There are ‘eagle scouts’ who would -not so randomly- approach some hapless customers with questionable origin. This category, for the most part, includes the diaspora and members of the border communities who are shared among and between the neighboring countries. Then the mills of the cottage industry (corruption) magically begin to roll, making the otherwise truly questionable applicants premium first-rate treasured customers.

I am glad recently a team from the House of People Representatives was able to witness such incidents, up front and personal, going incognito. Bottom-line? The destitute are flogged and the well-to-do are fleeced. Invariably, that is the experience one gets at the standard-bearer Office of the hallowed Citizenship Services.

2- The Opening lyrics of the National Anthem.

The honor of Citizenship is thus firmly guaranteed, begins our National anthem, and it never fails to bring a smile to my face.

I would very much like to know how? I mean, this is a country which doesn’t trust its citizens just enough to issue them residency ID without paying a king’s ransom to some kebele chiefs. I mean, just look at the youth, they are fleeing the country like it is caught on fire or like one abandoning a sinking ship and would rather play Russian roulette with their life than stay at home and enjoy the ‘fruits of the honor of citizenship’. Three generations have been subjected to this never-ending humiliation, and the government wonders why. I would suggest, for starters, looking at the ICS; you may get some clues. The handpicked, freshly installed team of cadres has doubled down on the malpractice initiated by the previous avaricious cadres.

The Deputy Director of the Organization intimated that ‘citizenship service is for sale’. He went on to detail how this uniquely disgraceful system works.

It looks like if you have the money, they will dispatch a committed team to your doorstep, and you will get any kind of citizenship services while still in your PJ, sipping steaming hot coffee in the comfort of your living room.

I remember saying to myself—I assumed they were doing this behind closed doors, screened from the prying eyes of the public and law enforcement. A passport was supposed to be the Great Equalizer. I assumed that when it comes to citizenship services, a poor girl hailing from rural Arsi, wearing plastic boots and a bright flower-spotted nylon dress, is equal to an upstart tycoon driving a 30+ million birr SUV. Beware, as the old saying goes, when the former isn’t the case, Colonel Colt becomes the alternate Great Equalizer.

3-ICS: No number of regulations entitles you to sell the service!

I know regulation number 550/24 is tripping from the tongues of officials at the ICS. But this piece of legislation is superseded by the constitution. To begin with, the Organization is established as an ‘Organ of the Federal Government’. Just like the Ministry of Education or the National Institute of Metrology, the ICS isn’t allowed to generate income. Budget is allocated to the Service by the FHoPR for this purpose. The public pays taxes to defray such expenses.

The reason it isn’t allowed to generate income, among others, is to prevent it from discriminating among citizens depending on their ability to pay or otherwise.

How could members of the Council of Ministers issue such a regulation in good conscience?

Even if allowances are given to enable the Organization to charge service fees and collect reimbursement of costs, under normal circumstances, the sum collected should be credited to the accounts of FMo Finance.

Assuming it is allowed to keep it, the charges should strictly be to cover the costs and no more. However, from the rates quoted in the regulation, one can fairly conclude that the ICS is doing business. What is more, keeping a straight face, the Deputy Director said that considering the current actual market value of the birr, the cost of printing and coding a single Passport costs more than 5,000 birr. By his reckoning, the birr has lost three quarters of its previous value, which isn’t true.

4-Two Thumbs Up for Meseret Damte—the Auditor General to my knowledge, one of the few credible institutions keeping the government afloat is the Office of the Auditor General. Following its scathing report on the ICS, the public expected a major shake-up. However, there were unabashed efforts made to belittle and counter the findings of the Auditor General.

It makes me wonder why…

God bless.

You can reach the writer via estefanoussamuel@yahoo.com